Skip to main content

Full text of "Jailed for Freedom"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on Hbrary shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/| 


Jailed for 


Freedom ^^^H 


ailed for Freedom 






•• • 

• t 

» • 

PrtnUd in the UnHed Staie§ of AmeriM 

Throuoh Whose Brilliant 
AND Devoted Leadbrsqip 
THE Women of America Havb 
Been Able to Con9Umm,*.th 
WITH Gladness and Gallant 
CocRAOE Their Long Strdq- 
OLE FOR Political Libehtt, 
This Book is Affectionately 


This boot deala with the intensive campaign of the mili- 
tant suffragists of America [1913-1919] to win a solitary 
thing — the passage by Congress of the nutional suffrage 
ameodmeot enfranchising women. It is the story of the first 
organized militant pohtical action in America to this end. 
The militants differed from the pure propagandists in the 
VOtnao suffrage movement chiefly in that they had a clear 
comprehension of the forces which prevail in politics. They 
appreciated the necessity' of the propaganda stage and the 
beautiful heroism of those who had led in the pioneer agita- 
tion, but they knew that this stage belonged to the past; these 
Bietfaods were no longer necessary or effective. 

For convenience sake I have called Part II "Political 
Action," and Part III "Militancy," although it will be per- 
CCtred that the entire campaign was one of militant political 
action. The emphasis, however, in Fart II is upon political 
action, although certainly with a militant mood. In Part 
HI dramatic acts of protest, such as are now commonly called 
Bulitancy, are given emphasis as they acquired a greater im- 
portance doring the latter part of the campaign. This does 
not mean that all militant deeds were not committed for a 
specific political purpose. They were. But militancy is as 
ouch a state of mind, an approach to a task, as it is the com* 
BtiasIoD of deeds of protest. It is the state of mind of those 
who is their fiery idealism do not lose sight of the real springs 
of liiunan action. 

There are two ways in which this story might be told. It 
might be told as a tragic and harrowing tale of martyrdom. 
Or it might be told as a ruthless enterprise of compelHng a 
bnatile administration to subject women to martyrdom in order 
to hasten its surrender. The truth is, it has elements of both 
TBthlemuiesa and martyrdom. And I have tried to make them 
sppear in a tme proportion. It is my sincere hope that you 


will understand and appreciate the martyrdom inyolved, for 
it was the conscious voluntary gift of beautiful, strong and 
young hearts. But it was never martyrdom for its own sake. 
It was martyrdom used for a practical purpose. 

The narrative ends with the passage of the amendment by 
Congress. The campaign for ratification, which extended 
over fourteen months, is a story in itself. The ratification of 
the amendment by the S6th and last state legislature proved 
as difficult to secure from political leaders as the 64th and 
last vote in the United States Senate. 

This book contains my interpretations, which are of 
course arguable. But it is a true record of events. 

DoBis Stevens. 
New York, August, 1920. 



18 Adminibtration — ^Lawlessness Exposed .... 229 

14 The Administration Outwitted , 241 

15 Political Results 248 

16 An Interlude (Seven Months) 259 

17 New Attacks on the President 271 

18 The President Appeals to the Senate too Late . ^^^ 

19 More Pressure 295 

20 The President Sails Away SOI 

21 Watchfires of Freedom 305 

22 Burned in Effigy isl-h 

2S Boston Militants Welcome the President ... 819 

24 Democratic Congress Ends :.. j 

25 A Farewell to President Wilson 830 

26 President Wilson Wins the 64th Vote in Paris . . 336 

27 Republican Congress Passes Amendbiient . . . 341 
Appendices .' 347 


.... 1 




' AucB Padl Frontupiece 

Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont 3« 

I'^ocRATs Attempt to Counteract Woman's Fahtt 
■ICjuipaign ^ . . . 44 


Mbuobial Sebvice — Statuary Hall, The 


* ON THE Picket Line 70 

I Ifew-TER Pickets-March 4, 1917 78 

I OmcER Arrests Pickets "j 

I WoaiEN Put into Police Patbolj 

SirrFBAGiaTO IN Prison Costume 99 

.'eLLOW PaiSOtfEBS 1 

^»:*^NG Roou at Occoquan WorkhouseJ - ■ ■ ■ 

R: •■,VA Scenes on Picket Line 130 

DiDLET Field Malonb 168 

U'T UCBNS 178 

SUbi, Haby "Solan, Oldest Picket ] 

Mm> M.1TILDA YoDNO, Youngest PicketJ ■ ■ - ■ 

Fobtt-one Women Face Jail 202 


'LArAYETTk: We Abe Here"'! 

Krolesalb ^Vrbests j '^ 

BcFFaAO' ni March to LaFavette Monument] 

ToitCB-FcAHEB, AND EscX)RTB f *'' 



SoicB Public Men Who Pbotested against Impbisonment 
OF Suffragists 262 

Abandoned Jail ■ ^^ 

Prisokers on Straw Pallets on Jail Floor 

Pickets at Capitol . ^^ 

Senate Pages and Capitol Police Attack Pickets 



The Urn Guarded by Miss Berthe Arnold 1 ^^^ 

The Bell Which Tolled the Change of WatchJ 

Watchfirb "Legal" 

Watchfire Scattered by Police — ^Dr. Caroline Spencer " 808 
^ Rebuilding It 

One Hundred Women Hold Public Conflagration . 8J5 

Pickets in Front of Reviewing Stand, Boston . . 320 

Mrs. Louise Sykes Burning President Wilson's Speech 
ON Boston Common 822 

Suffrage Prisoners 344 

"/ do pray, and that moit eamettlg and eonitanlly, 
for some terrific shock to tlartle the women of the nation 
into a tetf-retpect which will compel them to tee the 
abtolute degradation of their present position; which 
nUl compel them to break their yoke of bondage and 
give them faith in themselves; rrkich will make them 
proclaim their allegiance to women first. . . . The 
fact ii, women are in chains, and their servitude is all 
the more debasing because they da nift realise it. O to 
compel them to see and feel and to give them the courage 
and the conscience to apeak and act for their oirn free- 
dom, though they face the tcom and contempt of all the 
i for doing it I" 

SuaaM B. Anthony, 1872. 

Pabt I 



SUSAN B. ANTHONY was the first militant sqf Mgist. 
She has been so long proclaimed only as the magnHicer.t 
pioneer that few realize that she was the first woman to , 
defy the law for the political liberty of her sex. 

The militant spirit was in her many early protests. Some- 
times these protests were supported by one or two followers; 
more often they were solitary protests. Perhaps it is because 
of their isolation that they stand out so strong and beautiful 
in A turbulent time in our history when all those about her 
were malting compromises. 

It was this spirit which impelled her to keep alive the cause 
of the enfranchisement of women during the passionate years 
of the Civil War. She held to the last possible moment that 
DO national exigency was great enough to warrant abandon- 
ment of woman's fight for independence. But one by one her 
followers deserted her. She was unable to keep even a tiny 
handful steadfast to this position. She became finally the only 
figure in the nation appealing for the rights of women when 
tite n^ts of black men were agitating the public mind. Ardent 
abolitionist as she was, she could not tolerate without indignant 
protest the exclusion of women in all discussions of emanci' 
pation. The suffrage war policy of Miss Anthony can be com- 
pared to that of the miUtants a half century later when con- 
fronted with the problem of this country's entrance into the 
world war. 

TIk war of the rebellion over and the emancipat-on of the 


negro man written into the confititution, women contended tfaej 
had a right to vote under the new fourteenth amendment. Miss 
Anthony led in this agitation, urging all women to claim the 
right to vote under. this-amendment. In the national election 
of 1872 she voted -icT Rochester, New York, her home city, waa 
arrested, tried and convicted of the crime of "voting without 
having a lawful 'right to vote." 

I cannot resist giving a brief excerpt from the court records 
of this exlraordi nary case, so reminiscent is it of the cases of 
the'sutfrage pickets tried nearly fifty years later in the courts 
of the national capital. 

' After tlie prosecuting attorney had presented the govern- 
ment's case, Judge Hunt read his opinion, said to have been 
written before the case had been heard, and directed the jury 
to bring in a verdict of guilty. The jury was dismissed with- 
out deliberation and a new trial was refused. On the following 
day this scene took place in that New York court room, 

Jddge Hi'NT (Ordering the defendant to stand up) — Has 
the prisoner anything to say why sentence shall not be pro- 

Miss Anthoky — Yea, your Honor, I have many things to 
say; for in your ordered verdict of guilty, you have trampled 
under foot every vital principle of our government. My nat- 
ural rights, my civil rights, my political rights, my judicial 
rights, are all alike ignored. Robbed of the fundamental privi- 
lege of citizenship, I am degraded from the status of a citizen 
to that of a subject; and not only myself individually, but all 
my sex are, by your Honor's verdict doomed to political sub- 
jection under this so-called republican form of government. 

Judge Hunt — The Court cannot listen to a rehearsal of 
argument which the prisoner's counsel has already consumed 
three hours in presenting. 

Miss Anthony — May it please your Honor, I am not argu- 
ing the question, but simply stating the reasons why sentence 


caooot in justice be pronounced Bg&inst me. Your denial of 
my citizen's ri^t to vote, is the denial of my right of consent 
! as one of the ^vemed, the denial of my right of representation 
as one taxed, the denial of my riglit to a trial by jury of my 
peers as an offender against law; therefore, the denial of my 
sacred right to life, liberty, property, and 

JcnGE Hunt — The Court cannot allow the prisoner to go 
I Miss Ajjtbont — But, your Honor will not deny me this 
j one and only poor privilege of protest against this hi|^- 
banded outrage upon my citizen's rights. May it please the 
Court to remember that since the day of my arrest last Novem- 
ber this is the first time that either myself or any person of 
my disfranchised class has been allowed a word of defense 
before judge or jury 

Jci>GK Hunt — The prisoner must sit down, the Court can- 
not allow it. 

Mjss Anthony — Of aU my persecutors from the corner 
grocery politician who entered the complaint, to the United 
States marshal, commissioner, district attorney, district judget 
your Honor on the bench, not one is my peer, but each and 
all arc my political sovereigns. . . . Precisely as no disfran- 
chised person is entitled to sit upon the jury and no woman is 
entitled to the franchise, so none but a regularly admitted 
lawyer is allowed to practice in the courts, and no woman can 
gain admission to the bar — hence, jury, judge, counsel, all must 
be of superior class. 

JcDGE Hunt — The Court must insist — the piisoner has 
been tried according to the established forms of law, 

Mus Anthony — Yes, your Honor, but by forma of law, all 
made by men, interpreted by men, administered by men, in 
faror of men and against women; and hence your Honor's 

Ererdict of guilty, against a United States citizen for 

t i 



citizen was a woman and not a. man. ... As then the slaves 
who got their freedona had to take it over or under or through 
the unjust forms of the law, precisely so now must women take 
it to get their right to a voice in this government ; and I have 
taken mine, and mean to take it at every opportunity. 

Judge Hukt — The Court orders the prisoner to sit down. 
It will not allow another word. 

Miss Anthony — When I was brought before your Honor 
for trial I hoped for a broad interpretation of the constitu- 
tion and its recent amendments, which should declare all United 
States citizens under its protecting legis. . . . But failing to 
get this justice, failing even to get a trial by a jury — ^not 
of my peers — I ask not leniency at your hands but rather the 
full rigor of the law. 

Judge Hunt — The Court must insist (here the prisoner 
flat down). The prisoner will stand up. (Here Miss Anthony 
rose again.) The sentence of the Court is that you pay a fine 
of $100,00 and the costs of the prosecution. 

Miss Anthony — May it please your Honor, I will never 
pay a dollar of your unjust penalty. . . . And I shall eam- 
estly and persistently continue to urge all women to the prac- 
tical recognition of the old Revolutionary maxim, "Resistance 
to tyranny is obedience to God." 

Judge Hunt^ — Madam, the Court will not order you stand 
committed until the fine is paid. 

Miss Anthony did not pay her fine and was never impris- 
oned. I believe the fine stands against her to this day. 

On the heels of this sensation came another of those dra- 
matic protests which until the very end she always combined 
with political agitation. The nation was celebrating its first 
centenary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence at 
Independence Square, Philadelphia. After women had been 
refused by all in authority a humble half moment in which to 
present to the Centennial the Women's Declaration of Rights, 


Miss Anthony insisted on being heard. Immediately after the 
Declaration of Independence had been read by a patriot, she 
led a committee of women, who with platform tickets had 
dipped through the military, straight down the center aisle of 
the platform to address the chairman, who pale with fright 
and powerless to stop the demonstration had to accept her 
document. Instantly the platform, graced as it was by na^ 
tional dignitaries and crowned heads, was astir. The women 
retired, distributing to the gasping spectators copies of their 
Declaration. Miss Anthony had reminded the nation of the 
hoUowness of its celebration of an independence that excluded 

Susan B. Anthony's aim was the national enfranchisement 
of women. As soon as she became convinced that the consti- 
tution would have to be specifically amended to include woman 
suffrage, she set herself to this gigantic task. For a quarter 
of a century she appealed to Congress for action and to party 
conventions for suffrage endorsement. When, however, she saw 
that Congress was obdurate, as an able and intensely practical 
Uader she temporarily directed the main energy of the suffrage 
movement to trying to win individual states. With women 
holding the balance of political power, she argued, the na- 
tionAl government will be compelled to act. She knew so well 
the value of power. She went to the West to get it. 

She was a shrewd tactician ; with prophetic insight, without 
compromise. To those women who would yield to party ex- 
pediency as advised by men, or be diverted into support of 
other measures, she made answer in a spirited letter to Lucy 
Stone : 

"So long as you and I and all women are political slaves, 
it ill becomes us to meddle with the weightier discussions of GUI' 
•orereign masters. It will he quite time enough for us, with 
■df-respcet, to declare ourselves for or against any party upon 





the intrinsic merit of its policy, when mea shall recognize us ■ 
their political equals. . . . 

"If all the suffragists of all the States could sec eye to eye 
on this point, and stand shoulder to shoulder against every 
party and politician not fiJly and unequivocally committed to 
'Equal Rights for Women,' we should become at once the 
moral balance of power which could not fail to compel the 
party of highest intelligence to proclaim woman suffrage the 
chief plank of its platform. . . . Until that good day comes, 
I shall continue to invoke the party in power, and each party 
struggling to get into power, to pledge itself to the emancipa- 
tion of our enslaved half of the people. . . ." 

She did not live to see enough states grant suffrage in' the 
West to form a balance of power with which to carry out this 
policy. She did not live to turn this power upon an unwilling 
Congress. But she stood to the last, despite this temporary 
change of program, the great dramatic protagonist of na- 
tional freedom for women and its achievement Uirou^ rebel- 
lion and practical strategy. 

With the passing of Miss Anthony and her leadership, 
the movement in America went conscientiously on endeavoring 
to pile up state after state in the "free column." Gradually 
her followers lost sight of her aggressive attack and her objec- 
tive — the enfranchisement of women by Congress, They did 
not sustain her tactical wisdom. Tliis reform movement, like 
nil others when stretched over a long period of time, found 
itself confined in a narrow circle of routine propaganda. It 
lacked the power and initiative to extricate itself. Though it 
had many eloquent a^tators with devoted followings, it lacked 

The movement also lost Miss Anthony's militant spirit, her 
keen appreciation of the fact that the attention of the nation 
must be focussed on minority issues by dramatic acts of pro- 


Susan B. Anthony's fundamental objective, her political 
attitude toward attaining it, and her militant spirit were re- 
vived in suffrage history in 1913 when Alice Paul, also of 
Quaker background, entered the national field as leader of the 
new suffrage forces in America. 

MOST people conjure up a menacing picture when a 
person is called not only a general, but a militant one. 
In appearance Alice Paul is anything but menacing. 
Quiet, almost mouselike, this frail young Quakeress sits in 
silence and baffles yoii with her contradictions. Large, soft, 
gray eyes that strike you with a positive impact make 
you feel the indescribable force and power behind them. A 
mass of soft brown hair, caught easily at the neck, makes the 
contour of her head strong and graceful. Tiny, fragile hands 
that look more like an X-ray picture of hands, rest in her lap 
in Quakerish pose. Her whole atmosphere when she is not in 
action is one of strength and quiet determination. In action 
she is swift, alert, almost panther-like in her movements. 
Dressed always in simple frocks, preferably soft shades of 
purple, she conforms to an individual style and taste of her 
own rather than to the prevailing vogue. 

I am going recklessly on to try to tell what I think about 
Alice Paul. It is difficult, for when I begin to put it down 
on paper, I realize how little we know about this laconic per- 
son, and yet how abundantly we feel her power, her will and her 
compelling leadership. In an instant and vivid reaction, I am 
either congealed or inspired; exhilarated or depressed; some- 
times even exasperated, but always moved. I have seen her 
very presence in headquarters change in the twinkling of an 
eye the mood of fifty people. It is not through their affections 


dtat she moves them, but through a naked force, a vital force 
(rfaicb is iodefinable but of which one simply cannot be unanare. 
Aiming primarily at the intellect of an audience or an indi- 
Tidiial, she almost never fails to win an emotional allegiance, 

I shall never forget my first contact with her. I tell it 
here as an illustration of what happened to countless women 
who came in touch with her to remain under her leadership to 
the encL I had come to Washington to take part in the demon* 
■tration on the Senate in July, 1913, en route to a much- 
Beeded, as I thought, holiday in the Adirondacks. 

"Can't you stay on and help us with a hearing next weeLP** • 
■■id Miss Paul. 

"Tm sorry," said I, "but I have promised to join a party.^ 
at friends in the mountains for a summer holiday and . . . 

"Holiday?" said she, looking straight at me. Instantly 
ashamed at having mentioned such a legitimate excuse, I mur- 
mured soraetliing about not having had one since before enter- 
ing college. 

"But can't you stay?" she said, 

I was lost. I knew I would stay. As a matter of fact, I 
stayed through the heat of a Washington summer, returned 
vdy long enough at the end of the summer to close up my work 
ia state suffrage and came back to join the group at Wash- 
iagton. And it was years before I ever mentioned a holiday 

Frequently she achieved her end without even a single word 
of retort. Soon after Miss Paul came to Washington in 1913, 
siie went to call on a suffragist in that city to ask her to donate 
Kunc funds toward the rent of headquarters in the Capital. 
TTw woman sighed. "I tbought when Miss Anthony died," she 
Mudf "that all my troubles were at an end. She used to come to 
ne for money for a federal amendment and I always told her 
it was wrong to ask for one, and that besides we would never 
gd it. But she kept right on coming. Then whoi she died m 



didn't bear any more about an amendment. And nov you 
come again saying the same things Miss Anthony said." 

Miss Paul listened, said she was sorry and departed. Very 
shortly a check arrived at headquarters to cover a month's 

A model listener, Alice Paul has unlimited capacity for 
letting the other person relieve herself of all her objections 
without contest. Over and over again I have heard this scene 

"Miss Paul, I have come to tell you that you are all wrong 
about this federal amendment business. I don't believe in it. 
Suffrage should come slowly but surely by the states. And 
although I have been a life-long suffragist, I just want to tell 
you not to count on me, for feeling as I do, I cannot give you 
any help." 

A silence would follow. Then Miss Paul would say ingenu- 
ously, "Have you a half hour to spare?" 

"I guess 80," would come slowly from the protestant. 

"Won't you please sit down right here and put the stamps 
on these letters? We have to get them in the mail by noon." 

"But I don't believe , . ." 

"Oh, that's all right. These letters are going to women 
probably a lot of whom feel as you do. But some of them will 
want to come to the meeting to hear our side." 

By this time Miss Paul would have brought a chair, and 
that ended the argument. The woman would stay and humbly 
proceed to stick on endless stamps. Usually she would come 
back, too, and before many days would be an ardent worker 
for the cause against which she thought herself invincible. 

Once the state president of the conservative suffrage forces 
in Ohio with whom I had worked the previous year wrote me 
a letter pointing out what madness it was to talk of winning 
the amendment in Congress "this session," and adding that 


r "nobodj but a fool would ever think of it, let ttlone speak of it 
publiclj." She was wise in politics ; we were nice, eager, young 
girls, but pretty ignorant — that was the gist of her remon- 
strance. My vanity was aroused. Not wishing to be called 

. "mad" or "foolish" I sat down and answered her in a friendly 
spirit, with the sole object of proving that we were wiser than 
the imagined. I had never discussed this point with anybody, 
as I had been in Washington only a few months and it had 
never occurred to me that we were not right to talk of getting 
the ajnendment in that particular session. But I answered my 
patronizing friend, in effect, that of course we were not fools, 
that we knew we would not get tbe amendment that session, but 
ve saw no reason for not demanding it at once and taking it 
when we got it. 

When Miss Paul saw the carbon of that letter she said 
quietly, pointing to the part where I had so nobly defended 
our sa^city. "You must never say that again and never put 
it on paper." Seeing my embarrassment, she hastened to ex- 
pl&ii). "You see, we can get it this session if enough women 
care sufficiently to demand it now." 

Alice Paul brought back to the fight that note of immediacy 
which had gone with the passing of Miss Anthony's leadership. 
She called a halt on further pleading, wheedling, proving, pray- 
ing. It was as if she had bidden women stand erect, with con- 
fidmce in themselves and In their own judgments, and com- 
pelled them to be self-respecting enough to dare to put their 
fntdom first, and so determine for themselves the day when 
thej ibould be free. Those who had a taste of begging under 
the old regime and who abandoned it for demanding, know 
Im* fine and strong a thing it is to realize that you must take 
vbat i» yours and not waste your energy proving that y 
•r will tonie day be worthy of a gift of power from your 
masters. On that glad day of discovery you have first freed 




yourself to fight for freedom. Alice Paul gave to thousands 
of women the essence of freedom. 

And there was something so cleansiBg ahout the way in 
which she renovated ideas and processes, emotions and in- 
stincts. Her attack was so direct, so clear, so simple and un- 
afraid. And her resistance had such a fine quality of strength. 

Sometimes it was a roaring politician who was baffled by 
this non-resistant force. I have heard many an irate one come 
into her office in the early days to tell her how to run the wo- 
man's campaign, and struggle in vain to arouse her to combat. 
Having begun a tirade, honor would compel him to see it 
through even without help from a silent adversary. And so 
he would get more and more noisy until it would seem as if one 
lone shout from him might be enough to blow away the frail 
object of his attack. Ultimately he would be forced to retire, 
perhaps in the face of a serene smile, beaten and angered that 
he had been able to make so little impression. And many the 
delicious remark and delightful quip afterward at his expense ! 

Her gentle humor is of the highest quality. If only her 
opponents could have seen her amusement at their hysteria. 
At the very moment they were denouncing some plan of action 
and calling her "fanatical" and "hysterical" she would fairly 
beam with delight to see how well her plan had worked. Her 
intention had been to arouse them to just that state of mind, 
and how admirably they were living up to the plan. The 
hysteria was all on their side. She coolly sat back in her chair 
and watched their antics under pressure. 

"But don't you know," would come another thundering 
one, "that this wilt make the Democratic leaders so hostile 
that . . ." 

The looked-for note of surprise never came. She had 
counted ahead on all this and knew almost to the last shade 
the reaction that would follow from both majority and minor- 
ity leaders. All this had been thoroughly gone over, first with 


Imelf, then with her colleagues. AU the "alarms" had been 
imig. The male politician could not understand why his well- 
neanuig and generously-offered advice caused not a ripple and 
not a change in plan. Such calm unconcern he could not en- 
dure. He was accustomed to emotional panics. He was not 
accustomed to a leader who had weighed every objection, every 
attack and counted the cost accurately. 

Her ability to marshal arguments for keeping her own 
foOowers io line was equally marked. A superficial observer 
would rush into headquarters with, "Miss Paul, don't you tbinic , 

H was a great tactical mistake to force President Wilson at j 

this time to state his position on the amendmentP Will it not 
bori our campaign to have it known that he is against usF" 

"It is the best thing that could possibly happen to us. If 
be is against us, women should know it. They will be aroused 
to greater action if he is not allowed to remain silent upon 
MMUcthing in which he docs not believe. It will make it easier 
for OS to campaign against him when the time comes." 

And another time a friend of the cause would suggest, 
"Woold it not have been better not to have tried for planks 
fa pftrty platforms, since we got such weak ones?'' 

••Not at all. We oan draw the support of women with 
greater ease from a party which sliows a weak hand on suf- 
frage, than from one wliich hides its opposition behind silence.** 

Sbe had always to combat the fear of the more timid ones 
vfaa felt sure with each new wave of disapproval that we would 
be mbmerged. "Now, I have been a supporter of yours every 
atep of the way," a "fearful" one would say, "but this is really 
going a h'ttle too far. I was in the Senate gallery to-day when 
two suffrage senators in speeches denounced the pickets and 
their suffrage banners. Tliey said that we were setting suf- 
frage back and that eom^hing ought to be done about it." 

"Exactly BO." would come the ready answer from Miss 
PaoL "And they will do something about it only if we continue 


to make them imcomfortable enough. Of course even suffrage 
senatora will object to our pickets and our banners because 
they do not want attention called to their failure to compel the 
Administration to act. They know that as friends of the 
measure their responsibility is greater." And the "fearful" 
one was usually convinced and made stronger. 

I remember so well when the situation was approaching its 
final climax in Washington. Men and women, both, came to 
MisH Paul with, "This is terrible! Seven months' sentence is 
impossible. You must stop ! You cannot keep this up !" 

With an unmistakable note of triumph in her voice Miss 
Paul would answer, "Yes, it is terrible for us, but not nearly ao 
terrible as for the government. The Administration has fired 
its heaviest gun. From now on we shall win and they will 

Most of the doubters had by this time banished their fears 
and had come to believe with something akin to superstition 
that she could never be wrong, so swiftly and surely did they 
see her policies and her predictions on every point vindicated 
before their eyes. 

She has been a master at concentration, a master strate- 
gist — a great general. With passionate beliefs on all impor- 
tant social questions, she resolutely set herself against being 
seduced into other paths. Far from being naturally an ascetic, 
she has disciplined herself into denials and deprivations, cul- 
tural and recreational, to pursue her objective with the least 
possible waste of energy. Not that she did not want above all 
else to do this thing. She did. But doing it she had to aban- 
don the easy life of a scholar and the aristocratic environment 
of a cultured, prosperous, Quaker family, of Mooreatown, New 
Jersey, for the rigors of a ceaseless drudgery and frequent im- 
prisonment. A flaming idealist, conducting the fight with the 
sternest kind of realism, a mind attracted by facts, not fancies, 
she has led fearlessly and with magnificent ruthlessness. Think- 

ingt thinking day and night of her objective and never retard- 
lag her pace a moment until its accomplishment, I know no 
modem woman leader with whom to compare her. I think she 
must possess many of the same qualities that Lenin does, ac- 
cording to authentic portraits of him — cool, practical, rational, 
sitting quietly at a desk and counting the consequences, plan- 
ning the next move before the first one is finished. And if she 
has demanded the ultimate of her followers, she has given it 
benelf. Her ability to get women to work and never to let 
tium stop is second only to her own unprecedented capacity 
for work. 

Alice Paul came to leadership still in her twenties, but with 
• broad cultural equipment. Degrees from Swarthmore, the 
UfuverBity of Pennsylvania, and special study abroad in Eng- 
lish universities had given her a scholarly background in his- 
tory, politics, and sociology. In these studies she had special- 
ixed, writing her doctor's thesis on the status of women. She 
also did factory work in English industries and there acquired 
first hand knowledge of the industrial position of women. In 
the midst of this work the English militant movement caught 
bcr imagination and she abandoned her studies temporarily 
to join that movement and go to prison with the English 

Conriaced that the English women were fighting the battle 
br Qk women of the world, she returned to America fresh from 
ttnr struggle, to arouse American women to action. She 
ouat bringing her gifts and concentration to this one struggle. 
She came with that inestimable asset, youth, and, bom of 
yoatb, indomitable courage to carry her point in spite of scom 
and misrepresentation. 

Among ih6 thousands of telegrams sent Miss Paul the day 
the amendment finally passed Congress was this interesting 
from Walter Clark, Chief Justice of the Supreme 


Court of North Carolina, Southern Democrat, Confederate 
Veteran and distinguished jurist : 

"Will you permit me to congratulate you upon the great 
triumph in which you have been so important a factor? Your 
place in history is assured. Some years ago when I first met 
you I predicted that your name would be written 'on the dusty 
roll the ages keep.' There were politicians, and a large degree 
of public sentiment, which could only be won by the methods 
you adopted. ... It is certain that, but for you, success 
would have been delayed for many years to come." 


Fast II 



WHERE are the people?" This was Woodrow Wilson's 
first question as he arrived at the Union Station in 
Washington the day before his first inauguration to 
the Presidency in March, 1913. 

"On the Avenue watching the suffragists parade," came the 

The suffrage issue was brought oftenest to bis attention 
from then on until his final surrender. It lay entirely with 
bn as to how long women would be obliged to remind him of 
tliu issue before he willed to take a hand. 

*Tbe people" were on the Avenue watching the suffra^sts 
pKimde. The informant was quite right. It seemed to those 
of Oi who attempted- to march for our idea that day that the 
wfaole world was there — packed closely on Pennsylvania 

The purpose of the procession was to dramatize in numbers 
■ad beauty the fact that women wanted to vote-— that women 
were asking the Administration in power in the national gov- 
tnuiKot to speed the day. What politicians had not been able 
to get throu^ their minds we would give them through their 
eyea— often a powerful substitute. Our first task seemed 
cinple — actually to show that thousands of women wanted im- 
mediate action on their long delayed enfranchisement. This 
«e did. 

This was the first demonstration under the leadership of 
Alice Paul, at that time chairman of the Congressional Com- 




mittee of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. 
It was also the beginning of Woodrov Wilson's liberal 

Tlie Administration, without intending it, played into the 
hands of the women from this moment. The women had been 
given a permit to march. Inadequate police protection al- 
lowed roughs to attack them and all but break up the beau- 
tiful pageant. The fact of ten thousand women marching with 
banners and bands for this idea was startling enough to wake 
up the government and the country, but not so startling as 
ten thousand women man-handled by irresponsible crowds be- 
cause of police indifference. 

An investigation was demanded and a perfunctory one held. 
The police administration was exonerated, but when the storm 
of protest had subsided the Chief of Police was quietly retired 
to private life. 

It was no longer a secret that women wanted to vote and 
that they wanted the President and Congress to act. 

A few days later the first deputation of suffragists ever to 
appear before a President to enlist his support for the passage 
of the national suffrage amendment waited upon President 
Wilson.^ Miss Paul led the deputation. With her were Mrs. 
Genevieve Stone, wife of Congressman Stone of Illinois, Mrs. 
Harvey W. Wiley, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, and Miss Mary 
Bartlett Dixon of Maryland. The President received the depu- 
tation in the White House Offices, When the women entered 
they found five chairs arranged in a row with one chair in 
front, like a class-room. All confessed to being frightened 
when the President came in and took his seat at the head of 
the class. The President said he had no opinion on the subject 
of woman suffrage ; that he had never given it any thought ; " 

' There hod been individual visits to previous presldenl.i. 
•At Colorado Springs in 1811, when Mr. Wilson wnf Governor of New 
Jtmtj aod campaigning for the Presidential nomlnntlon. a delegation of 
Ccdorado wotneo &sked him his position on woman suffrage. lie mtii. 


and tluit above all it was bis task to see that Congress concen- 
trated on the currency revision and the tariff reform. It ia 
recorded that the President was somewhat taken aback when 
Miss Paul addressed him during the course of the inter^-iew 
with this querj, "But Mr. President, do you not understand 
that the Administration has no right to legislate for currency, 
tariff, and any other reform without first getting the consent 
of vomen to these reforms?" 

"Get the consent of women?" It was evident that this 
course had not heretofore occurred to him. 

"Tiiis subject will receive my most careful consideration," 
mw President Wilson's first suffrage promise. 

He was given time to ''consider" and a second deputation 
went to him, and still a third, asking him to include the suf- 
frage amendment in his message to the new Congress assembling 
in extra session the following montii. And still he was ob- 
sessed witli the paramount considerations of "tariff" and "cur- 
rency." He flatly said there would be no time to consider 
suffrage for women, But the *' unreasonable" women kept right 
on insisting that the liberty of half the American people was 
paramount to tariff and currency. 

President Wilson's first session of Congress came together 
April 7th, 191S. The opening day was marked by the suf- 
fragists' second mass demonstration. This time women dele- 
gates representing every one of the 135 Congressional Districts 
in the country bore petitions from the constituencies showing 
that the people "back home" wanted the amendment passed. 
The delegates marched on Congress and were received with a 
wann welcome and their petitions presented to Congress. The 
same day the amendment which bears the name of Susan B. 
Anthony, who drafted it in 1875, was reintroduced into both 
boaset of Congress. 

'Ladkh this [a a vriy arfmabk qaestion B,nd my minij U In tha miist 
ef Hm ufoataf 





TTie month of May saw monster d em on st rations in many 
cities and villages throughout the country, witli the direct 
result that in June the Senate Committee on Suffrage made the 
first favorable report made by that committee in twPnty-one 
yean, thereby placing it on the Senate calendar for action. 

Not relaxing the pressure for a day we organized the third 
great demonstration on the last of July when a monster peti- 
tion signed by hundreds of thousands of citizens was brought 
to the Senate asking that body to pass the national sufTrage 
amendment. Women from all parts of the country mobilized 
in the countryside of Maryland where they were met witli ap- 
propriate ceremonies by the Senate Woman Sufi"rage Commit- 
tee. The delegation motored in gaily decorated automobiles 
to Washington and went direct to the Senate, where the entire 
day was given over to suffrage discussion. 

Twenty-two senators spoke in favor of the amendment in 
presenting their petitions. Three spoke against it. For the 
first time in tv>enty-»ia: years suffrage was actually debated is 
Congress. That day was historic. 

Speeches? Yes. Greetings? Yes. Present petitions from 
their constituencies? Gladly. Report it from the Senate Com- 
mittee P They had to concede that. But passage of the amend- 
ment? That was beyond their contemplation. 

More pressure was necessary. We appealed to the women 
voters, of whom there were then four million, to come into 

"Four million women voters are watching you," we said to 
Congress. We might as well have said, "There are in the 
South Sea Islands four miUion heathens." 

It was clear that these distant women voters had no rela- 
tion in the senatorial mind to the realism of politics. We de- 
cided to bring some of these women voters to Washington. 
Having failed to get the Senate to act by August, we invited 
the Council of Women Voters to hold its convention in Wash- 


tngton that Congress might learn this simple lesson : women did 
Totc; there were four million of them; they had a voters' organ- 
isation; the; cared about the enfranchisement of all American 
women ; they wanted the Senate to act ; suffrage was no longer 
a moral prohlcm; it could be made a practical political prob- 
lem with which men and parties would have to reckon. 

Voting women made their first impression on Congress that 

Meanwhile the President's "paramount issues" — tariff and 
cniTOicy — had been disposed of. With the December Congress 
approaching, he was preparing another message. We went to 
him again. This time it was the women from his own home 
state, an influential deputation of seventy- three women, includ- 
ing the suffrage leaders from all suffrage organizations in New 
Jersey. The women urged him to include recommendation of 
the suffrage resolution in his message to the new Congress. He 

"I am pleased, indeed, to greet you and your adherents 
here, and I will say to you that I was talking only yesterday 
with several members of Congress in regard to a Suffrage Com- 
mittee in the House. The subject is one in which I am deeply 
ioterrsted, and you may rest assured that I will give it my 
earnest attention." 

Id interesting himself in the formation of a special com- 
■ittee to ait on suffrage in the House, the President was doing 
ttte smallest thing, to be sure, that could be done, but he was 
doing something. This was a distinct advance. It was our 
taslc to press on until all the maze of Congressional machinery 
had been used to exhaustion. Then there would be nothing 
Ifft to do but to paas the amendment. 

A fourth time that year the determination of women to 
■Kure the passage of the amendment was demonstrated. In 
December, the opening week of the new Congress, the annual 
coiinmtion of the National American Woman Suffrage Asso- 



ciation was held in WasKiiigton. Miss Lucy Bunis, vice cliair- 
maa of its Congressional Cotmnittec and also of the Congres- 
sional Union, was applauded to the echo by the whole con- 
Tention when she said: 

"The National American Woman Suffrage Association ia 
assembled in Washington to ask the Democratic Party to en- 
franchise the women of America. 

"Rarely in the history of the country has a party been 
more powerful than the Den:ocratic Party is to-day. It con- 
trols the Executive Office, the Senate and more than two-thirda 
of the members of the House of Representatives. It is in a 
position to give us effective and immediate help. 

"We ask the Democrats to take action now. Those who 
hold power are responsible to the country for the use of it. 
They are responsible not only for what they do, but for what 
they do not do. Inaction establishes just as clear a record as 
does a policy of open hostibty. 

"We liave in our hands to-day noT: only the weapon of a 
just cause; we have the support of ten enfranchised states — 
states comprising one-fifth of the United' States Senate, one- 
seventh of the House of Representatives, and one-sixth of the 
electoral vote. More than 3,600,000 women have a vote in 
Presidential elections. It is unthinkable that a national gov- 
ernment which represents women, and which appeals period- 
ically for the suffrages of women, should ignore the issue of 
the right of all women to political freedom, 

"We cannot wait until after the passage of scheduled Ad- 
ministration reforms. . . . Congress is free to take action on 
our question in the present session. We ask the Administra- 
tion to support the woman suffrage amendment in Congress 
with its whole strength." 

This represented the attitude of the entire suffrage move- 
ment toward the situation in the winter of 1913. At no time 
did the militant group deviate from this position until the 
amendment was through Congress. 

It was difScuIt to make the Administration believe that the 
women meant what they said, and that they meant to use 



crerjrthing in their power and resourcefulness to see it carried 

Men were used to having women ask them for suffrage. 
But the; were disconcerted at being asked for it now ; at being 
threatened with political chastisement if thcj did not yield to 
the demand. 

In spite of the repeated requests to President Wilson that 
he include support of the measure in his message to Congress, 
be delivered his message December Snd while the convention 
was still in session, and failed to make any mention of the 
raffrage amendment. He recommended self-government for 
FUipino men instead. 

Immediatelj Miss Paul organized the entire convention into 
a fifth deputation to protest against this failure and to urge 
nipport in B subsequent message. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw 
kd the interview. In reply to her eloquent appeal for his 
sutstance, the President said in part: "I am merely the 
ipokesman of my party. ... I am not at liberty to urge upon 
Congress in messages, policies which have not bad the organic 
caosideratioo of those for whom I am spokesman. I am by 
my own principles shut out, in the language of the street, from 
'starting anything.' I have to confine myself to those things 
which have been embodied as promises to the people at an 

I aball never forget that day. Shafts of sunlight came in 
at the window and fell full and square upon the white-haired 
kader who was in the closing days of her power. Her clear, 
Jeep, resonant voice, ringing with the genuine love of liberty, 
was in sharp contrast to the halting, timid, little and technical 
aoiver of the President. He stooped to utter some light pleas- 
antry which he thought would no doubt please the "ladies." It 
did not provoke even a faint smile. Dr. Shaw had dramatically 
aoked, "Mr. President, if yoa cannot speak fur us and your 
party will not, who then, pray, is there to speak for us.'" 



"You seem very well able to speak for yourselves, ladies," 
with a broad smile, followed by a quick embarrassment whea 
no one stirred. 

'TVe mean, Mr. President, who will speak for us with 
tmthorityf" came back the hot retort from Dr. Shaw, 

The President made no reply. Instead he expressed a 
desire to shake the hands of the three hundred delegates. A 
few felt that manners compelled them to acquiesce; the others 
filed out without this little political ceremony. 

Alice Paul's report to the national convention for her 
year's work as Chairman of the Congressional Committee of 
the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and as 
Chairman also of the Congressional Union for Woman Suf- 
frage, showed that a budget of twenty-seven thousand dollars 
had been raised and expended under her leadership as against 
tm dollars spent during the previous year on Congressional 
work. At the beginning of the year there was no interest in 
work with Congress. It was considered hopeless. At the close 
of the year 1913 it had become a practical political issue. 
Suffrage had entered the national field to stay. 

At this point the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage 
was obliged to become an independent body in order to continue 
this vigorous policy whicli the conservative suffrage leaders 
were unwilling to follow. 

Hearings, deputations to the President, petitions to Con- 
gress, more persistent lobbying, all these things continued 
during the following year under Miss Paul's leadership with 
the result that a vote in the Senate was taken, though at an 
inopportune moment, — tlie first vote in the Senate since 188T 
TTie vote stood 36 to 34 — thereby failing by 11 votes of the 
necessary two-thirds majority. This vote, nevertheless, indi- 
cated that a new strength in the suffrage battle had forced 
Congress to take some action. 

In the House, the Rules Committee on a vote of 4 to 4 


refused to create a suffrage committee. We appealed to the 
Democratic caucus to sec if the party sustained this action. 
We wished to catablish their party responsibility, one way or 
•■other, and by securing the necessary signatures to a petition, 
m compelled the caucus to meet. By a vote of 1S3 to 57 the 
caucus declared "... that the question of woman suffrage 
is ■ state and not a federal question," as a substitute for the 
nulder resolution offered, providing for the creation of a com- 
mittee on woman sufTrage. If this had left any doubt as to 
how the Democratic Party, as a party, stood, this doubt was 
(ooveniently removed by Representative Underwood, the Ma- 
jority Leader of the House, when he said on the fioor of the 
House the following day: "The Democratic Party last night 
took the distinctive position that it was not in favor of this 
kgUIation because it was in favor of the states controlling the 
qoestion of suffrage. ... I not only said I was opposed to it, 
bat I said the Party on this side of the Chamber was opposed 
to it, and the Party that has control of the legislation in Con- 
gress certainly has the right to say that it will not support a 
measure if it is not in accordance with its principles." 

Meaowhile the President had said to a deputation of work- 
ingiromeii who waited upon him in February, "Until the Party, 
u sad), has considered a matter of this very supreme impor- 
taoce, and taken its position, I am not at liberty to speak for 
it; and yet I am not at liberty to speak for it as an individual, 
for I am not an individuaL" 

"But we ask you to speak to your party, not for it," an- 
iwcred Mn. Glendower Evans, Chairman of the deputation, 
•mid evident presidential embarrassment. 

Tlow women who had been inclined perhaps to accept the 
President's words as true to fact, entertained doubts when a 
few days later he demanded of his party in Congress the repeal 
of the free tolls provision in the Panama Canal tolls act. In 
M doing, be not only recommended action not endorsed by his 





party, but he demanded actJoa which his partj had specificallj 
declared against. 

It was necessary to appeal again to the nation. We called 
for demonstrations of public approval of the amendment in 
tvery state on May 2. Thousands of resolutions were passed 
calling for action in Congress, These resolutions were made 
the center of another great demonstration in Washington, 
May 9, when thousands of women in procession carried them 
to the Capitol where beautiful and impressive ceremonies were 
held on the Capitol steps. The resolutions were formally re- 
ceived by members of Congress and the demonstration ended 
dramatically with a great chorus of women massed on the 
steps singing "The March of the Women" to the thousands of 
spectators packed closely together on the Capitol grounds. 

And still the President withheld his support. 

Under our auspices five hundred representative club womra 
of the country waited upon him in another appeal for help.' 
To them he explained his "passion for local self-government," 
which led to his conviction "that this is a matter for settlement 
by the states ' and not by the federal government. . . ." 

Women had to face the fact that the 63rd Congress had 
made a distinctly hostile record on suffrage. The President, 
aa leader of his party, had seven times refused all aid; the 
Democratic Party had recorded its opposition through an 
adverse vote in the Senate and a caucus vote in the House 
forbidding even consideration of the measure. 

It became clear that some form of political action would 
have to be adopted which would act as an accelerator to the 
Administration. This feeling was growing momentarily among 
many women, but it was conspicuously strong in the mind at 
Mrs. Oliver H. P. Belmont, recognized as one of the ablest 
>Tth deputation to the President, June 30, 1914. 

•This ainouDted to Tirtual oppoEition because of the gtcmt dlficnltiet, 
(gome of Ihetn almost iuuper&ble) involred in ametuliiig maoy lUtc 





Widtnge leaders in the country. Anticipating the unfriendly 
record made by the Democrats in the 63rd Congress, Mrs. 
Belmont had come to Miss Paul and to her vice-chairman, 
Miss Lacj Bums, to urge the formulation of a plan whereby 
we could strike at Administration opposition through the 
iromeD voters of the West. Miss Paul had the same idea and 
welcomed the support of this plan hy so able a leader. 

Mrs. Belmont was impatient to do nationally what she had 
already inaugurated in New York State suffrage work — make 
luflTrage an election issue. She was the first suffragist in 
America to be "militant" enough to wage a campaign against 
office-seekers on tlie issue of woman suffrage. She was roundly 
denounced by the opposition press, but she held her ground. 
It is interesting to record that she defeated the first candidate 
for the New York Assembly ever campaigned against on this 

Slie had associated herself wjth the Pankhursts in England 
and was the first suffrage leader here publicly to commend the 
tactics of the English militants. Through her, Mrs. Pank- 
bant made her first visits to America, where she found a sym- 
pathetic audience. Even among the people who understood 
■nd believed in English tactics, the general idea here was that 
only in the backward country of England was "militancy" 
necessary. In America, men would give women wliat women 
wanted without a struggle. 

Mrs. Belmont was the one suffrage leader who foresaw a 
militanl battle here whenever women should determine to ask 
for their freedom immediately. In a great measure she pre- 
pared the way for that battle. 

Since the movement had not even advanced to the stage of 
political action at that time, however, Mrs. Belniont realized 
that political action would have to be exhausted before at- 
tempting more aggressive tactics. Not knowing whether Miss 
Paul had contemplated inaugurating political action in the 






national field, she sought out the 

begin at once to organize the 

approaching national elections. 

Those interested in the woman's movement are fairly 
familiar witli Mrs. Belmont's early state suffrage work and 
her work with the militants in England, but they do not know 
as much about her national work. It is not easy for a woman 
of vast wealtli to be credited with much else in America than 
the fact of generosity in giving inoney to the cause la which 
she believes. Wealth dazzles us and we look no further. Mrs. 
Belmont has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to suffrage, 
both state and national, but she has given greater gifts in her 
militant spirit, her political sagacity and a marked tactical 
sense. She was practically the only leader formerly associated 
with th^ conservative forces who had the coiirage to extricate 
herself from the old routine propaganda and adventure into 
new paths. She always approached the struggle for liberty in 
a wholesome revolutionary mood. She was essenti^l^ a leadeTt ' 
and one who believed in action^always action. 

Until the movement in America regained its militant spirit, 
her heart was primarily with the English women, because she 
thought their fight so magnificent that it would bring suiFrage 
to women in England sooner than our slow-going methods 
would bring it to us. In 1910, when English militancy was at 
its height, Mrs. Belmont gave out an interview in London, in 
which she predicted that English women would have the suf- 
frage before us. She even went so far as to say that we in 
America would liave to create an acute situation here, prob- 
ably a form of militancy, before we could win. At the same 
time the President of the International Suffrage Alliance said 
in London : "The suflTrage movement in England resembles a 
battle. It is cruel and tragic. Ours in America is an evolu- 
tion — less dramatic, s'.ow but more Mure," Facts sustained t 
Mrs. Belmont's prophecy. Facts did not sustain the other 1 


prediction. English womeii got the vote in 1918. American 
women were not enfranchised nationally until August, 1920. 
The following is the political theory and program ap- 
proved br Mrs. Belmont and submitted to the CongressionaJ 
Union, by its chairman, Alice Paul, at a conference of the 
organization at the home of Mrs, Belmont in Newport in 
August, 1914: 

The dominant party (at that time the Democratic Party) 
u responsible for all action and therefore for action on suf- 

This party's action had been hostile to this measure. 

The dominant party in the approaching election must be 
conviaced, and through it all other partie«, that opposition to 
suffrage is inexpedient. 

All parties will be convinced when they see that their oppo- 
sition costs tbem votes. 

Our fight is a political one. 

We must appeal for support to the constituency which ia 
most friendly to suffrage, that constituency being the voting 

An attempt must be made, no matter bow small, to organize 
the women's vote. 

An appeal must be made to the women voters in the tune 
suffrage states to withhold their support from the Democrats 
Dsttonaily, until the national Democratic Party ceases to block 
the suffrage amendment. 

This is non-partisanship in the highest degree, as it calls 
upon women to forego previous allegiance to a party. If they 
are Democrats in this Instance, they must vote against their 
party. If the Republican Party were in power and pursued a 
nmilar course, we would work against that party. ^ 

The party which sees votes falling away will change itol 
attitude. ^ 

After we have once affected by this means the outcome of a 
national election, even though slightly, every party will hesi- 
tate to trifle with our measure any longer. 

All candidates from suffrage states are professing suffra- 
gists, and therefore we have nothing to lose by defeating a 

i- |i 

... j 



member of the dominant party in those states. Another suf- 
fragist will take his place. 

Men will object to being opposed because of their party 
responsibility in spite of their friendliness individually to suf- 
frage. But women certainly have a right to further through 
the ballot their wishes on the suffrage question, as well as on 
other questions like currencvt tariff, and what not. 

This can only be done by considering the Party record, for 
as the individual record and individual pledges go, all candi- 
dates are practically equal. 

We, as a disfranchised class, consider our right to vote, 
preeminently over any other issue in any party's program. 

Political leaders will resent our injecting our issue into 
their campaign, but the rank and file will be won when they 
Bee the loyaltj' of women to women. 

This policy will be called mibtant and in a sense it is, being 
strong, positive and energetic. 

If it is militant to appeal to women to use their vote to 
bring suffrage to this country, then it is militant to appeal to 
men or women to use their vote to any good end. 

To the question of "How will we profit if another party 
comes in?" our answer will be that adequate political chastise- 
ment of one party for its bad suffrage record through a demon- 
stration of power by women voters affecting the result of the 
national election, will make it easier to get action from any 
party in power. 

Amidst tremendous enthusiasm this plan was accepted by 
the little conference of women at Newport, and $7,000 pledged 
in a few moments to start it. There was a small group of 
women, an infinitely small budget with which to wage a cam- 
paign in nine states, but here was also enthusiasm and resolute 

A tiny handful of women— never more than two, more often 
only one to a state — journeyed forth from Washington into 
the nine suffrage states of the West to put before the voting 
women this political theory, and to ask them to support it. 



' can't be done." "Women don't care about aufFrage.'* 
|**Once they've got it, it b a dead issue," "To talk of 
I'Srousing the Western women to protest against the Con- 
gressional candidates of the National Democratic Party in the 
luffnige statee, when every one of them is a professing suffra- 
gist, is utter folly." So ran the comment of the political wise- 
acres in the autumn of 1914. 

But the women had faith in their appeal. 
It ifi impossible to give in a few worda any adequate picture 
of the anger of Democratic leaders at our entrance into the 
campaign. Six weeks before election they woke up to find the 
issue of national suffrage injected into a campaign which they 
bad meant should be no more stirring than an orderly and per- 
fanctory endorsement of the President's legislative program. 
The campaign became a very hot one during which most of 
the militancy seemed to be on the side of the political leaders. 
Heavy fists came down on desks. Harsh words were spoken. 
Molent threats were made. In Colorado, where I was cam- 
paigning, I was invited pohtely but firmly by the Democratic 
leader to leave the state the morning after I had arrived. 
"Ymi can do no good here. I would advise yon to leave at 
ODOe. Besides, your plan is impracticable and the women will 
not support it." 

"TTien why do you object to my being here?" I asked. 

"You have no right to ask women to do this. . . .** 

Some slight variation of tlds experience was met by every 



woman who took part in this campaign. Of course, the Demo- 
cratic leaders did not welcome aa issue raised unexpectedly, 
and one which forced them to spend an endless amount of time 
apologizing for and explaining the Democratic Party's record. 
Nor did they relish spending more money publishing more liter- 
ature, in short, adding greatly to the burdens of their cam- 
paign. The candidates, a little more suave than the party 
leaders, proved most eloquently that they had been suffragiats 
"from birth." One candidate even claimed a suffrage inheri- 
tance from his great-grandmother. 

This first entry of women into a national election on the 
suffrage amendment was little more than a quick, brilliant 
dash. With all its sketchiness, however, it had immediate 
political results, and when the election was over, there came 
tardily a general public recognition that the Congressional 
UViion had made a real contribution to these results. In the 
nine suffrage states women voted for 45 members of Congress. 
For 43 of these seats the Democratic Party ran candidates. 
We opposed in our campaign all of these candidates. Out of 
the 43 Democratic candidates running, only 20 were elected. 
While it was not our primary aim to defeat candidates it was 
generally conceded that we had contributed to these defeats. 

Our aim in this campaign was primarily to call to the 
attention of the public the bad suffrage record of the Dtmo- 
cratic Party. The effect of our campaign was soon evident 
in Congress. The most backward member realized for the first 
time that women had voted. Even the President perceived that 
the movement had gained new strength, though he was not yet 
politically moved by it. He was still "tied to a conviction" ^ 
which he had had all his life that suffrage "ought to be brought 
about state by state." 

Enough strength and determination among women bad 


been demonstrated to the Administration, however, to make 
them want to do something "just as good" as the Hung we 
asked. The Shafroth-Palmer * Resolution was introduced, pro- 
Tiding for a constitutional ameudment permitting a national 
initiative and referendum on suffrage in the states, thereby 
forcing upon women the very course we had sought to circum- 
vent. This red herring drawn across the path had been ac- 
cepted by the conservative suffragists evidently in a moment 
ot hopelessness, and their strength put behind it, but the politi- 
cians who persuaded them to back it knew that it was merely 
an attempt to evade the issue. 

This made necessary a tremendous campaign throughoat 
Ibe country by the Gongrcssional Union, with the result that 
the compromise measure was eventually abandoned. During 
its life, however, politicians were happy in the opportunity to 
divide their support between it and the original amendment, 
which was still pending. To offset this danger and to show 
agxin in dramatic fashion the strength and will of the women 
voters to act on this issue, we made political work among the 
«estem women the principal effort of the year 1915, the year 
preceding the presidential election. Taking advantage of the 
Panama-Pacific Exposition in San Francisco, we opened suf- 
frage headquarters in the Palace of Education on the exposi- 
tion grounds. From there we called the first Woman Voters' 
CoDTentiofl ever held in the world for the single purpose of 
attaching political strength to the movement. Mrs. O. H, P. 
Belmont was chairman of the committee which gigned the con- 
tmtion call. 

Women from all the voting states assembled in a mass con- 
ntitton September 14, 15 and 16. There is not time to describe 

'Tlilt reM>lutton was introduced [n the Senate hy Senator Shafroth of 
Cttondo, Democrat; in the House by Bep resent a tive A. Mitchell Palmer 
vt Pmtuiflnnis, Democrat, later Attomej' General In President WlUon's 
CdlloeL Both nten, although avowed supporters of the original Susan 
B. Anthony amendment, backed thU evil compromise. 



the beautj of the pageantry which surrounded that gathering, 
nor of the emotional qualitj' which was at high pitch through- 
out the seaeions. These women from the deserts of Arizona, 
from the farms of Oregon, from the valleys of California, from 
the mountains of Nevada and Utah, were in deadly earnest. 
They had answered the call and they meant to stay in the fight 
□ntil it was won. The convention went on record nnanimously 
for further political action on hehalf of national suffrage and 
for the original amendment without compromise, and pledged 
itielf to use all power to this end without regard to the inter- 
ests of any existing political party. 

Two emissaries, Sara Bard Field and Frances JolifFe, both 
of California, were commissioned by women voters at the final 
session, when more than ten thousand people were present, to 
go to the President and Congress bearing these resolutions and 
hundreds of thousands of signatures upon a petition gathered 
during the summer. They would speak directly to the Presi- 
dent lest he should be inclined to take lightly the women voters' 

The envoys, symbolic of the new strength that was to come 
out of the West, made their journey across continent by auto- 
mobile. They created a sensation all along the way, received 
as they were by governors, by mayors, by officials high and 
low, and by the populace. Thousands more added their names 
to the petition and it was rolled up to gigantic proportions 
until in December when unrolled it literally stretched over 
miles as it was borne to the Capitol with honor escorts. 

The action of the convention scarcely cold, and the envoys 
mid-way across the continent, the President hastened to New 
Jersey to cast his vote for suffrage in a state referendum. He 
waa careful to state that he did so as a piivate citizen, "not as 
the leader of my party in the nation." He repeated his posi- 
tien, putting the emphasis upon his opposition to national 
sufTrage, rather than on his belief in suffrage for his state. 


«I believe ih&t it (suffrage) should be settled bjf the states and 
oot b; the national government, and that in no circumstances 
should it be made a party question ; and my view has grown 
stronger at every turn of the agitation." He knew women 
were asking the powerful aid of the President of the United 
States, not the aid of Mr. Wilson of Princeton, New Jersey. 
tite atAte amendment in New Jersey was certain to fail, as 
Preajdeot Wilson well knew. Casting a vote for it would help 
his case with women voters, and still not bring suffrage in the 
East a step nearer. 

Tbe envoys' reception at the Capitol was indeed dramatic. 
Ilousands of women escorted them amid bands and banners to 
the halls of Congress, where they were received by senators 
and representatives and addressed with eloquent speeches. 
TTie envoys replied by asking that their message be carried by 
fnends of the measure to the floor of the Senate and House, 
and this was done. 

The envoys waited upon the President at the White House. 
"Ilus visit of the representatives of women with power marked 
rather an advance in the President's position. He listened 
with an eager attention to the story of the new-found power 
and what women meant to do with it. For the first time on 
rtcord, he said he had "an open mind" on the question of 
national suffrage, and would confer with his party colleagues. 

Tbe Republican and Democratic National Committees 
beard the case of the envoys. They were given a hearing 
liefore the Senate Suffrage Committee and before the House 
Jodiriary in one of the most lively and entertaining inquisitions 
in which women ever participated. 

No more questions on mother and home! No swan song on 
the passing of charm and womanly loveliness! Only agile 
■crambiing by each committee member to ask with eagerness 
isd some heat, "Well, if this amendment has not passed Con- 
|Rs> by then, what will you do in the elections of 1916?" It 



was with difficulty that the women were allowed to tell their 
story, so eager was the Committee to jump ahead to political 
consequences. "Sirs, that depends upon what you gentlemen 

do. We are asking a simple thing " But they never got 

any further from the main base of their interest. 

"If President Wilson comes out for it and his party does 
not," from a Republican member, "will you " 

"I object to introducing partisan discussions here," came 
shamelessly from a Democratic colleague. And so the hearing 
passed in Bometiiing of a verbal riot, but with no doubt as to 
the fact that Congressmen were alarmed by the prospect of 
women voting as a protest group. 

The new year found the Senate promptly reporting the 
measure favorably again, but the Judiciary Committee foot- 
balled it to its sub-committee, back to the whole committee, 
postponed it, marked time, dodged without a blush, and finally 
defeated it. 

The problem of neutrality toward the European war was 
agitating the minds of political leaders. Nothing like 
suffrage for women must be allowed to rock the ship even 
sbghtlj! Oh, no, indeed; it was men's business to keep the 
nation out of war. Men never had shown marked skill at 
keeping nations out of war in the history of the world. But 
never mind! Logic must not be pressed too hard upon the 
"reasoning" sex. This time, men would do it. 

The exciting national election contest was approaching. 
Party conventions were scheduled to meet in June while the 
amendment languished at the Capitol. It was clear that more 
highly organized woman-power would have to be called into 
action before the national government would speed its pace. 
To the women voters the Eastern women went for decisive 
assistance. A car known as the "Suffrage Special," carrying 
distinguished Eastern women and gifted speakers, made an 


eztciuive lour o( the West and under the banner of the Con- 
gresnonal Union called again upon the women voters to come 
to Chicago on June 5th to form a new party, — The Woman's 
Party * — to serve as long as should be necessary as the bal- 
ance of power in national contests, and thus to force action 
from the old parties. 

The instant response which met this appeal surpassed th«l 
most optimistic hopes. Thousands of women assembled in I 
CUcago for this convention, which became epoch*making not \ 
only in the suffrage fight but in the whole woman movement, J 
For the first time in hiitorjf, wom£n came together to organixe ' 
Iknr political pov>er into a party to free their own sex. For 
the first time in history representatives of men'i political 
parties came to plead before these women voters for the support 
of their respective parties. 

The Republican Party sent as its representatives John 
Hays Hammond and C. S. Osbom, formerly Governor of 
IGchigaa. The Democrats sent their most persuasive orator, 
President Wilson's friend, Dudley Field Malone, Collector of 
the Port of Xew York. Allan Benson, candidate for the Presi- 
tletcy on the Socialist ticket, represented the Socialist Party. 
Edward Polling, Prohibition leader, spoke for the Prohibition 
Party, and Victor Murdock and Gifford Pinchot for The J 
Progressive Party, 

All laid their claims for suffrage support before the women 
with the result that the convention resolved itself into another 
political party — The Woman's Party. A new party with but 
one plank — the immediate passage of the federal suffrage 
amendment — a party determined to withhold its support from 
all existing parties until women were politically free, and to 
punish politically any party in power which did not use its 

'The Woman's Psrtj atartrd with a membership of all ConKression*] 
rim aieaibers In mffrage Btalcs. Anne Martin of Nevada was elected 





power to free women; a party which became a potest factor 
of protest in the following national election. 

Thia first step towards the aolidaritj of women quickly 
brought results. The Republican National Convention, meet- 
ing immediately* after the Woman's Party Convention, and the 
Democratic National Convention the week following, both in- 
cluded suffrage planks in their national platforms for the first 
time in history. To be sure, they were planks that failed to 
satisfy us. But the mere hint of organized political action on 
suffrage had moved the two dominant parties to advance a 
step. The new Woman's Party had declared suffrage a na- 
tional political issue. The two major parties acknowledged 
the issue by writing it into their party platforms. 

The Republican platform was vague and indefinite on 
national suffrage. The Democratic Party made its suffrage 
plank specific against action by Congress. It precisely said, 
"We recommend the extension of the franchise to the women 
of the country by the states upon the same terms as men." It 
was openly stated at the Democratic Convention by leading 
Administration Democrats that the President himself had 
written this suffrage plank. If the Republicans could afford 
to write a vague and indefinite plank, the President and his 
party could not. They as the party in power had been under 
fire and were forced to take aides. They did so. Tlie Presi- 
dent chose the plank and his subordinates followed his lead. 
It may be remarked in passing that this declaration so solidi- 
fied the opposition within the President's party that when the 
President ultimately sought to repudiate it, he met stubborn 

Protected by the President's plank, the Democratic Con- 
gress continued to block national suffrage. It would not 
permit it even to be reported from the Judiciary Committee. 
The party platform was written. The President, too, found 
it easy to hide behind the plank which he had himself written, 




counting on women to be satisfied. To Mrs. D. E. Hooker of 
Bichmond, Virg^ia, who as a delegate from tlie Virginia Fed- 
eration of Labor, representing 60,000 aicmbers, went to him 
Kwa after to ask his support of the amendment, the President 
■aid, "I am opposed by coni-iction and political traditions to 
federal action on this question. Moreover, after the plank 
which was adopted in the Democratic platfonn at St. Louia, 
I ooold not comply with the request contained in this resolution 
■Ten if I wished to do so." 

President Wilson could not act because the party planlc 
which he had written prevented him from doing so! 

Meanwhile the women continued to protest. 

Miss Mabel Vernon of Delaware, beloved and gifted cru- 
sader, was the 6rst member of the Woman's Party to commit 
a "militant" act. President Wilson, speaking at the dedication 
services of the Labor Temple in Washington, was declaring his 
interest in all classes and all struggles. He was proclaiming 
\as beliefs in the abstractions of liberty and justice, when Miss 
Vernon, who was seated on the platform from which he was 
^leaking, said in her powerful voice, "Mr. President, if you 
sncerely desire to forward the interests of all the people, why 
do you oppose the national enfranchisement of women?" In- 
ittat consternation arose, but the idea had penetrated to the 
(irtbest comer of the huge assembly that women were pro* 
toting to the President against the denial of their liberty. 

The President found time to answer, "That is one of the 
tUnga which we will have to take counsel over later," and 
mumed his speech. Miss Vernon repeated her question later 
and was ordered from the meeting by the police. 

Aa the summer wore on, women realized that they would 

kte to enter the national contest in the autumn. Attention 

«u focussed on the two rival presidential candidates, Wood- 

^^M WilaoD and Charles Evans Hughes, the Republican nom- 

^^^Hlvpoo whom the new Woman's Party worked diligently 



for prompt stBtcments of their position on the national 

The next political result of the new solidaritj of women 
was Mr. Hughea' declaration on August 1st, 1916: "My view 
is that the proponed amendment should be submitted and 
ratified and the subject removed from political discussion." 

The Democratic Congress adjourned without even report- 
ing the measure to that body for a vote, and went forthwith 
to the country to ask reelection. 

We also went to the country. We went to the women voters 
to lay before them again the Democratic Party's record — 
now complete through one Administration. We asked women 
voters again to withhold their support nationally from Presi- 
dent Wilson and his party. 

The President accepted at once the opportunity to speak 
before a convention of suffragists at Atlantic City in an effort 
to prove his great belief in suffrage. He said poetically, "The 
tide is rising to meet the moon. . . . You can afford to wait." 
Whatever we may have thought of his figure of speech, we 
disagreed with his conclusion. 

The campaign on, Democratic speakers throughout the 
West found an unexpected organized force among women, de- 
manding an explanation of the past conduct of the Democratic 
Party and insisting on an immediate declaration by the Presi- 
dent in favor of the amendment. Democratic orators did their 
utmost to meet this opposition. "Give the President time. He -> 
can't do everything at once." "Trust him once more; he will . 
do it for you next term," "He kept us out of war. He is the 
best friend the mothers of the nation ever had." "He stood 
by you. Now you women stand by him." "What good will 
votes do you if the Germans come over here and take your 
country?" And so on. Enticing doctrine to women — the 
peace lovers of the human race. 

Although we entered this contest with more strength than 










H oS|,o 



K 39 s ^ f f£^ 


^ Csl^o Hl^ 


^^^^^^^k^ V 

^^^^^^M ^1 * 




1 Sm^l-^^l 


9 » S m = ^^^H 






drills 1^ 

J 30 ^ 3c ^HE 


3) V*CO)3im-< i^^Bk 


I'ls t p ^ ^^B 

■ rn ; g g ,^^W> 



hiv ^ 












ire had hsd in 1914, with & budget five times as large and with 
piled-up evidence of Democratic hostility, we could not have 
entered a more difficult contest. The people were excited to 
an almost unprecedented pitch over the issue of peace versus 
war. In spite of the ditticult; of competing with this emo- 
tional issue which meant the immediate disposal of millions of 
lives, it was soon evident that the two issues were nmning 
almost neck and neck in the Western territory. 

No leas skilled a campaigner than William Jennings Bryan 
took the stump in the West against the Woman's Party. At 
least a third of each speech was devoted to suffrage. He 
urged. He exortcd. He apologized. He explained. He 
pleaded. He condemned. Often he was heckled. Often he 
OUT OF SUFFRAGE !" banners at the doors of his meetings. 
One woman in Arizona, who, unable longer to listen in patience 
to the glory of "a democracy where only were governed those 
vfao consented," interrupted him. He coldly answered, 
"Madam, you cannot pick cherries before they are ripe." By 
the time he got to California, however, the cherries had ripened 
cmsiderably, for Mr. Bryan came out publicly for the national 

What was true of Mr. Bryan was true of practically every 
Democratic campaigner. Against their wills they were forced 
to talk about sutTragc, although they had serenely announced 
it the opening of the campaign that it was ''not an issue in 
tkii campaign." Some merely apologized and explained, 
Otbers, like Dudley Field Malone, spoke for the federal amend- 
nent, and promised to work to put it through the next Con- 
ptu, "if only you women will stand by Wilson and return 
Km to power." 

Space will not permit in this book to give more than a hint 
of the scope and strength of our campaign. If it were possible 
to give a giimpse of the speeches made by men in that cam- 




I for the I 

i cratic o; 

^^H seriousli 

paign, jou would agree that it was not peace alone that was 
the dominant iiisue, but peace and suffrage. It must be made ' 
perfectly clear that the Woman's Party did not attempt to 
elect Mr. Hughes. It did not feel strong enough to back s 
candidate in its first battle, and did not conduct its tight affirm- 
atively at all. No speeches were made for Mr. Hughes and the 
Republican Party. Tlie appeal was to vote a vote of protest 
against Mr. Wilson and his Congressional candidates, because 
he and his party had had the power to pass the amendment 
through Congress and had refused to do so. That left the 
women free to choose from among the Republicans, Socialists 
and Prohibitionists. It was to be expected that the main 
strength of the vote taken from Mr. Wilson would go to Mr. 
Hughes, as few women perhaps threw their votes to the minor- 
ity parlies. But just as the Progressive Party's protest had 
been efTcctive in securing progressive legislation without win- 
ning the election, so the Woman's Party hoped its protest 
would bring results in Congress without attempting to win the 

History will never know in round numbers how many women 
Toted against the President and his party at this crisis, for 
there are no records kept for men and women separately, ex- 
cept in one state, in Illinois. The women there voted two to 
one against Mr. Wilson and for Mr. Hughes. 

Men outnumber women throughout the entire western terri- 
tory; in some states, two and three to one; in Nevada, still 
higher. But, whereas, in the election of 1912, President Wilson 
got 69 electoral votes from the sutFrage states, in the 1916 
election, when the whole West was aflame for him because of 
his peace policy, he got only 67. Enthusiasm for Mr. Hughes 
in the West was not sufficiently marked to account entirely 
for the loss of these 12 electoral votes. Our claim that Demo- 
cratic opposition to suffrage had cost many of them was never 
seriously denied. 



Tie Democratic Judiciary Committee of the House which 
refused to report suffrage to the House for a vote, bad 
' wilj one Democratic member from a suffrage state, Mr, Ta^ 
' g»rt of Kansas, standing for reelection. This was the only 
spot where women could strike out against the action of this 
* ' committee — and Mr. Taggart. They struck with success. He 
WW defeated almost wholly by the women's votes. 

With a modest campaign fund of slightly over fifty thou- 
■and dollars, raised almost entirely in small sums, the wom^i 
had forced the campaign committee of the Democratic Party 
to axsmne the defensive and to practically double expenditure 
aad work on this issue. As much literature was used on suf* 
fra^ as on peace in the suffrage states. 

Many Democrats although hostile to our campaign said 
without qualification that the Woman's Party protest was the 
only factor in the campaign which stemmed the western tide 
toward Wilson, and which finally made California the pivotal 
■tftie and left his election in doubt for a week. 

Again, with more force, national suffrage had been injected 
into a campaign where it was not wanted, where the leaders 
bad hoped the single issue of "peace" would hold the center 
of the stag«. Again many women had stood together on this 
IHoe and put woman suffrage first. And the actual reelection 
of President Wilson had its point of advantage, too, for it 
aabled us to continue the education of a man in power who 
had already bad four years of lively training on the woman 





OF the hundreds of women who volunteered for the last 
Western campaign, perhaps the most effective in their 
appeal were the disfranchised Eastern women. 

The most dramatic figure of them all was Inez Milholland 
Boissevain, the gallant and beloved crusader who gave her life 
that the day of women's freedom might be hastened. Her last 
words to the nation as she fell fainting on the platform in 
California were, "Mr. President, how long must women wait 
for liberty?" Her fiery challenge was never heard again. She 
never recovered from the terrific strain of the campaign which 
had undermined her young strength. Her death touched the 
heart of the nation ; her sacrifice, made so generously for lib- 
erty, lighted anew the fire of rebellion in women, and aroused 
from inertia thousands never before interested in the liberation 
of their own sex. 

Memorial meetings were held throughout the country at 
which women not only paid radiant tribute to Inez Milholland, 
but reconsecrated themselves to the struggle and called again 
_ upon the reelected President and his Congress to act. 

The most impressive of these memorials was held on Christ- 
mas Day in Washington. In Statuary Hall under the dome 
of the Capitol—the scene of memorial services for Lincoln and 
Garfield — filled with statues of outstanding figures in the 
struggle for political and religious liberty in this country, the 
first memorial service ever held in the Capitol to honor a wo- 
man, was held for this gallant young leader. 


Boy cboristers singing the magnificent hymn 


"Forward through the darkness 
Leave behind the night, 
Forward out of error, 
Forward into light" 

into the hall the procession of young girl basner-besren. 
Garbed in simple surplices, carrying their crusading banners 
hij^ above their heads, these cotni'ades of Inez Milholland , 
Baisserain seemed more triumphant than sad. They seemeda 
ta tjpif T the spirit in which she gave her life. I 

Still other young girls in white held great golden banners 
flanking the laurel-covered dais, from which could be read the 
mscriptions: "Greater love hath no man than this, that he 
lay down his life for his friend" . . . "Without extinction is 
hberty; Without retrograde is equality" . . . "As He died to 
mak« men holy let us die to make men free" . . . 

From behind the heavy velvet curtains came the music of 
vqioes and strings, and the great organ sounded its tragic 
and triumphant tones. 

Miss Maud Younger of California was chosen to make the 
'n^norial address on this occasion. She said in part : 

"We are here to pay tribute to Inez Milholland Boissevain, 
who was our comrade. We are here in the nation's capital, the 
leat of our democracy, to pay tribute to one who gave up her 
life to realize that democracy. . . . 

*1ne3 Milholland walked down the path of life a radiant 
hang. She went into work with a song in her heart. She went 
into battle with a laugh on her lips. Obstacles inspired her, 
fKoaragement urged her on. She loved work and she loved 
Wttl«. She loved life and laughter and light, and above all 
At she loved liberty. With a loveliness beyond most, a klndli- 
Vtm, a beauty of mind and soul, she typi^ed always the best 
aad noblest in womanhood. Slic was t!ie flaming torch that 
Rnt ahvad to light the way — the symbol of light and free- 




"Symhol of the woman's struggle, it was she who carried 
to the West the appeal of the unenfranchised, and carrying it, 
made her last appeal on earth, her last journey in life, 

"Ab she set out upon her last journey, she seems to have 
had the clearer vision, the spiritual quality of one who has 
already aet out for another world. With infinite understand- 
ing and intense faith in her mission, she was as one inspired. 
Her meetings were described as 'revival meetings,' her audi- 
ences as 'wild with enthusiasm.' Tliousands acclaimed her, 
thousands were turned away unable to enter. . . . 

"And she made her message very plain. 

"She stood for no man, no party. She stood only for 
woman. And standing thus she urged: 

" 'It is women for women now and shall be until the fight 
is won! Together we shall stand shoulder to shoulder for the 
greatest principle the world has ever known, the right of self- 

" 'Whatever the party that has ignored the claims of 
women we as women must refuse to uphold it. We must refuse 
to Uphold any party until all women are free. 

" 'We have nothing but our spirits to rely on and the 
vitality of our faith, but spirit is invincible, 

" 'It is only for a little while. Soon the fight will be ovCr. 
Victory is in sight.' 

"Though she did not live to see tliat victory, it is sweet 
to Icnow that she lived to see her faith in women justified. In 
one of her last letters she wrote : 

" 'Not only did we reckon accurately on women's loyalty 
to women, but we likewise realized that our appeal touched a 
certain spiritual, idealistic quality in the western woman voter, 
a quality which is yearning to find expression in political life. 
At the idealism of the Woman's Party her whole nature flames 
into enthusiasm and her response is Immediate. She gladly 
transforms a narrow partisan loyalty into loyalty to a prin- 
ciple, the establishment of which carries with it no personal 
advantage to its advocate, but merely the satisfaction of 
achieving one more stop toward the emancipation of man- 
kind. . . . We are bound to win. There never has been a 
Sght yet where interest was pitted against principle that prin- 
ciple did not triumph !' 


1^^^ •* . . . The trip was fraught with hardship, Speaking day 
•net night, she would take a train at two in the morning to 
•rrtre at eight; then a train at midnight to arrive at five in 
the tnoming. Yet she would not change the program; she 
would not leave anything out. . . . 

**And BO . . . her life went out in glory in the shining cause 
of freedom. 

**And as she had lived loving liberty, working for liberty, 
toting for liberty, so it was that with this word on her lips 
die fell. 'How long must women wait for liberty?' she cried 
■nd fell — as surely as any soldier upon the field of honor — aa 
inly as any who ever gave up his life for an ideal, 

"As in life she had been the symbol of the woman's cause so 
in death she la the symbol of its sacrifice. The whole daily 
lacrificc, the pouring out of life and strength that is the toll , 
of woman's prolonged struggle, 

**Iiiez Mi Lh oil and is one around whom legends will grow up. 
Goierations to come will point out Mount Inez and tell of the 
bmutiful woman who sleeps her last sleep on its slopes. 

"They will tell of her in the West, tell of the vision of love- 
liness as she flashed through on her last burning mission, flashed 
through to her death — a falling star in the western heavens, 

"But neither legend nor vision is liberty, which was her 
life. Liberty cannot die. No work for liberty can be lost. It 
lives on in the hearts of the people, in their hopes, their aspira- 
tions, their activities. It becomes part of the life of the nation. 
What Ine* MilhoUand has given to the world lives on forever. 

"We are here to-day to pay tribute to Inez MilhoUand 
Boissevain, who was our comrade. Lot our tribute be not words 
which pass, nor song which flics, nor flower which fades. Let it 
be this: that we finish the task she could not finish ; that with 
new strength we take up the struggle in which fighting beside 
OS she fell; that with new faith we here consecrate ourselves to 
the cause of woman's freedom until that cause is won ; that with 
new devotion we go forth, inspired by her sacrifice, to the end 
that her sacrifice be not in vain, for dying she shall bring to 
pass that which living she could not achieve — full freedom for 
women, full democracy for the nation. 

"Let this be our tribute, imperishable, to Inez MillioUand 


Miss Anne Martin of Nevada, chairman of the Woman's 
Party, presided over the services. Other speakers were Hon- 
orable George Sutherland, United States Senator from Utah, 
representing the United States Congress; and Honorable Row- 
land S. Mahany. former member of Congress and lifelong 
friend of the Milholland family. 

Mrs. William Kent of California, wife of Representative 
Kent, presented two resolutions wliich the vast audience ap- 
proved by silently rising. One resolution, a tribute of rare 
beauty, prepared by Zona Gale, a friend of Inez Milholland, 
was a compelling appeal to all women to understand and to 
reverence the ideals of this inspiring leader. The other was an 
appeal to the Administration for action. 

The pageantry of surpliced clioristers and the long line of 
girl standard-bearers retired to the strains of the solemn reces- 
sional. The great audience sat still with bowed heads as the 
voices in the distance dropped in silence. Instantly the strains 
of the Marseillaise, filling the great dome with its stirring and 
martial song of hope, were taken up by the organ and the 
strings, and the audience was lifted to its feet singing as if in 
anticipation of the triumph of liberty. 

The women were in no mood merely to mourn the loss of 
a comrade-leader. The government must be shown again its 
share of responsibihty. Another appeal must be made to the 
President who, growing steadily in control over the people and 
over his Congress, was the one leader powerful enough to direct 
his party to accept this reform. But he was busy gathering 
his power to lead them elsewhere. Again we would have to 
compete with pro-war anti-war sentiment. But it was no time 
to relax. 

Following the holiday season a deputation of over three 
hundred women carried to the White House the Christmas Day 
memorial for Inez Milholland and other memorials from similar 


services. The President was brought face to face with the 
new protest of women against the continued waste of physical 
and spiritual energy in their battle. There is no better way 
to picture the protest than to give you something verbatim 
from the speeches made that memorable day. This was the first 
meeting of suffragists with the President since the campaign 
against him in the previous autumn. It was only because of the 
peculiar character of the appeal that he consented to hear 

Miss Younger presented the national memorial to him and 
iatroduced Mrs, John Winters Brannan, who made no plea to 
the President but merely gave liim the New York memorial 
-■Udi read as follows : 

**This gathering of men and women, assembled on New 
Tieat's day in New York to hold a memorial service in honor 
of Inez Milholland Boisscrain, appeals to you, the President 
of Hie United States, to end the outpouring of life and efTort 
tlttt has been made for the enfranchisement of women for more 
tfaail »eventy years in this country. The death of this lovely 
and brave women symbolizes the whole daily sacriflce that vast 
Donibers of women have made and are making for the sake of 
political freedom. It has made vivid the 'constant unnoticed 
te'agedy of this prolonged effort for a freedom that is acknowl' 
edged just, but still denied.* 

"It h not given to all to be put to the supreme test and to 

arcept tJiat test with such gallant gladness as she did. The 

struggle, however, has reached the point where it requires such 

intensity of effort — relentless and sustained — over the whole 

fM^ country, that the health of thousands of noble women is 

^^^b| insidiously undermined. If this continues, and it will 

^^Hbuu until victory is won, we know only too surely that 

H^Hp women whom the nation can ill spare will follow in the 

ISMeps of Inez Milholland. 

••We desire to make known to you, Mr. President, our deep 
Hue of wrong being inflicted upon women in making them 
tptad their health and strength and forcing them to abandon 
other irork tliat means fuller self-expression, in order to win 




freedom under a government that professes to believe in democ- 

"There is only one cause for which it is right to risk health . 
and life. No price is too high to pay for hberty. So long as 
lives of women are required, these lives will be given. 

"But wc beg of you, Mr, President, so to act that this 
ghastly price will not have to be paid. Certainly it is a grim 
irony that a Republic should esact it. Upon you at this mo- 
ment rests a solemn responsibility; for with you it rests to 
decide whether the life of this brilliant, dearly-loved woman 
whose glorious death we commemorate to-day, shall be the last 
sacrifice of life demanded of American women in their struggle 
for self-govemment. 

"We ask you with all the fervor and earnestness of our 
souls to exert your power over Congress in behalf of the na- 
tional enfranchisement of women in the same way you have so 
successfully used it od other occasions and for far less impoi^ 
tant measures. 

"We are confident that if the President of the United States 
decides that this act of justice shall be done in the present 
session of Congress, it will be done. We know further that if 
the President does not urge it, it will not be done. . , ." 

A fraction of a moment of silence follows, but it is long; 
enough to feel strongly the emotional state of mind of the 
President. It plainly irritates him to be so plainly spoken to. 
We are conscious that his distant poise on entering is dwindling 
to petty confusion. There is something inordinately cool 
about the fervor of the women. This too Irritates him. His 
Irritation onlj' serves to awaken in every woman new strength. 
It is a wonderful experience to feel strength take possession of 
your being In a contest of ideas. No amount of trappings, no 
amount of autliority, no number of plainclothes men, nor the 
glamour of the gold-braided attaches, nor the vastness of the 
great reception hall, nor the dazzle of the lighted crystal 
chandeliers, and above all not the mind of your opponent can 
cut in on your slim, hard strength. You are more than invin- 
cible. Your mind leaps ahead to the infinite liberty of which 


jvnrs is only a small part. You feel his stren^h in authority, 

hu weakness in vision. He does not follow. He feels sorrow 

for us. He patronizes us. He must temper his irritation at 

our undoubted fanaticism and unreason. We, on the other 

band, feel so superior to him. Our strength to demand is so 

much greater than his power to withhold. But he does not 

perceive this. 

^^In the midst of these currents the serene and appealing 

^^Bbft of Sara Bard Field came as a temporary relief to the 

^^^HUent — but only temporary. She brought tears to the eyes 

j^H^Oie women as she said in presenting the California memorial 

molutioDS : 

*^r. President, a year ago I had the honor of calling upon 
JOB with a similar deputation. At that time we brought from 
nj western country a great petition from the voting women 
Wffng your assistance in the passage of the federal amendment 
for roffra^. At that time you were most gracious to us. 
Yoa showed yourself to be in hne with all the progressive 
ktders by your statement to us that you could change your 
atnd and would consider doing so in connection with this 
UKndment. We went away that day with hope id our hearts, 
bnt Dcither the hope inspired by your friendly words nor the 
faith we had in you as an advocate of democracy kept us from 
wvrking day and night in the interest of our cause. 

"Since that day when we came to you, Mr. President, one 
at our most beautiful and beloved comrades, Inez Milhollandi 
lu paid the price of licr life for this cause. The untimely 
imth of a young woman like tliis- — a woman for whom the 
world has such bitter need — has focussed the attention of the 
■tn and women of the nation on the fearful waste of women 
vtndi UiiA fight for the ballot is entailing. The same maternal 
iBitiitct for the preservation of life — whether it be the physical 
lite of a child or the spiritual life of a cause — is sending women 
into this battle for liberty with an urge which gives them no 
Jwt nigtit or day. Every advance of hberty has demanded its 
of human sacrifice, but if I had time I could show you 
have paid in a measure that is running over. In the 


light of Inez MilhoUand's death, as we look over the long back- 
ward trail through which we have sought our political liberty, 
we are asking how long must this struggle go on. 

"Mr. President, to the nation more than to women alone 
is this waste of maternal force significant. In industry such 
a waste of money and strength would not be permitted. The 
modeni trend is all toward efficiency. Why is such waste per- 
mitted in the making of a nation P 

"Sometimes I tliink it must be very hard to be a President, 
in respect to his contacts with people as well as in the great 
business he must perform. The esclusiveness necessary to a 
great dignitary holds him away from that democracy of com- 
munion, necessary to a full understanding of what the people 
are really thinking and desiring. I feel that this deputation 
to-day fails in its mission if, because of the dignity of your 
office and the tormality of such an occasion, we fail to bring 
you the throb of woman's desire for freedom and her eager- 
ness to ally herself when once the ballot is in her hand^ with all 
those activities to which you, yourself, have dedicated your 
life. Those tasks which this nation has set itself to do are her 
tasks as well as man's. We women who are here to-day are 
close to this desire of women. We cannot believe that you are 
our enemy or indifferent to the fundamental righteousness of 
our demand. 

"We have come here to you in your powerful ofBce as our 
helper. We have come in the name of justice, in the name of 
democracy, in the name of all women who have fought and died 
for this cause, and in a peculiar way with our hearts bowed 
in sorrow, in the name of this gallant girl who died with the 
word 'liberty' on her lips. We have come asking you this day 
to speak some favorable word to us that we may know that 
you will use your good and great office to end this wasteful 
struggle of women," 

The highest point in the interview had been reached. Be- 
fore the President began his reply, we were aware that the high 
moment had gone. But wc listened. 

"Ladies, I had not been apprised that you were coming here 
to make any representations that would issue an appeal to me. 



I had been told that you were coming to present memorial 
resolutions with regard to the verj remarkable woman whom 
;our cau&e has lost. I, therefore, am not prepared to say any- 
thing further than I have said on previous occasionii of this 

"I do not need to tell you where my own convictions and 
my own personal purpose lie, and I need not tell you by what 
circumscriptions I am bound as leader of a party. As the 
leader of a party my commands come from that party and 
not from private personal convictions. 

"My personal action as a citizen, of course, comes from no. 
source but my own conviction and, therefore, my position hai 
been so frequently defined, and I hope so candidly defined, and 
it is BO impossible for me until the orders of my party ar« 
changed, to do anything otlior than I am doing as a party 
leader, that I think nothing more is necessary to bf said. 

"I do want to say this : I do not see how anybody can fail 

to observe from the utterances of the last campaign that the 

Democratic Party is more inclined than the opposition to assist 

in this great cause, and it has been a matter of surprise to me, 

and a matter of very great regret that so many of those who 

Were heart and soul for this cause seemed so greatly to mis- 

nnderstand and misinterpret the attitude of parties, /n ttUa 

covntry, as in every other self-governing country, it U realty 

through the imtrwnumtaiity of parties that things can be ac- 

mmmptiMh^d. Tliey are not accomplished by the individual 

^HBb but by coiKierted action-, and that action must come only 

^^H^lu' 1' yott can concert it, I hare done my best and shall 

^otinue to do my best to concert it in the interest of a cause 

in which I personally believe." 

Dead silence. The President stands for a brief instant at 
the end of his words as if waiting for some faint stir of ap- 
proval which docs not come. He has the baffled air of a dis- 
appointed actor who has failed to "get across." Then he turns 
abruptly on his heel and the great doors swallow him up. j 
Silently the women file through the corridor and into the fresh ' 



the park all of one mind. How little the President knew amw 
women ! How he underestimated their intelligence and penetra- 
tion of things political ! Was it possible that he really thought 
these earnest champions of liberty- would merely carry reso- 
lutions of sorrow and refjret to the President? 

But this was not the real irony. How lightly he had 
shifted the responsibility for gitting results to his party. With 
what coldness he had bade us "concert opinion," a thing which 
he alone could do. That was pretty hard to bear, coining as it 
did when countless forms of appeal had been exhausted bj 
which women without sufficient power could "concert" any- 
thing. The movement was almost at the point of languish- 
ing so universal was the belief in the nation that suffrage for 
women was inevitable. And yet he and his party remained 

The three hundred women of the memorial deputatioa 
became on their retom to headquarters a spirited protest 

Flans of action in the event the President refused to help' 
had been under consideration by Miss Paul and her executive 
committee for some time, but they were now presented for the 
first time for approval. There was never a more dramatic 
moment at which to ask the women if they were ready for 
drastic action. 

Harriot Stanton Blatch, daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stan- 
ton and a powerful leader of women, voiced tlie feeling of the' 
entire body when she said, in a ringing call for action : 

"We have gone to Congress, we have jjone to the President 
during the last four years with groat deputations, with small 
deputations. We have shown the interest all over the country 
in self-government for women — something that the President 
as a great Democrat ought to understand and respond to 
tantly. Yet he tells us to-day tliat we must win his party. 
He said it was strange that we did not see before election that 

^^H^ He said 


lu8 party was more favorable to as than the Republican party. 
How did it show its favor? How did he show his favor to- 
d»y to as? He says we have got to cobvert his party . . . 
Why? Never before did the Democratic Party lie more in the 
tuuids of one man than it lies to-day in the hands of President 
Wilson. Never did the Democratic Party have a greater leader, 
uid never was it more susceptible to the wish of that leader, 
Ihan ia the Democratic Party of to-day to President Wilson. 
He controls his party, and I don't think he is too modest to 
He can mould it as he wishes and he has moulded it. 
moulded it quickly before election in the matter of the 
■hour law. Was that in his party platform? He had to 
and force his party to pass that measure. Yet he is not 
nlEiig to lay a finger's weight on his party to-day for half the 
people of the United States. . . . Yet to-day he tells us that 
we must wait more — and more. 

"We can't organize bigger and more influential deputa- 
iioDs. We can't organize bigger processions. We can't, wo- 
OMII, do anything more in that line. We have got to take a 
»ew departure. We have got to keep the question before him 
d the time. We have got to begin and begin immediately. 

"Women, it rests with us. We have got to bring to the 
President, individually, day by day, week in and week out, the 
ides that great numbers of women want to be free, tvUI be free, 
■■d want to know what he is going to do about it. 

•TVon't you come and join us in standing day after day at 
Uw gates of the White House with banners asking, 'What will 
jmt do, Mr. President, for one-half the people of this nation?' 
Stutd there as sentinels — sentinels of liberty, sentinels of self- 
gDTerninent — silent sentinels. Let us stand beside the gateway 
vfaere he roust pass in and out, so that he can never fail to 
realixe that there is a tremendous earnestness and insistence 
bade of this measure. Will you not show your allegiance to- 
day to this ideal of liberty? Will you not be a silent sentinel 
dC libertj and self-government?" 

Deliberations continued. I^tatls were settled. Three 
tbooMUul dollars was raised in a few minutes among these 
fresh from the President's rebuff. No one suggested 



waiting until the next Presidential campaign. No one even 
mentioned the fact that time was precious, and we could wait 
no longer. Every one seemed to feel these things without 
troubling to put them into words. Volunteers signed up for 
sentinel duty and the fight was on. 



7 wOl write a song for the President^ full of menacing rignit 
And, back of it ofl, mSUoni of discontented eyes.** 

Walt Whitman. 



WHEN all suffrage controversy has died away it will be 
the little arniy of women with their purple, white and 
gold banners, going to prison for their political free- 
dom, that wil] be remembered. They dramatized to i^ictory the 
long suffrage fight in America. The challenge of the picket 
line roused the government out of its half-century sleep of 
indiiference. It stirred the country to hct controversy. It 
made zealous friends and violent enemies. It produced the 
di»rply-drawn contest which forced the surrender of the gov- 
eminent in the second Administration of President Wilson. 

The day following the memorial deputation to the Presi- 
dent, January lOth, 1917, the first line of sentinels, a dozen in 
■mmber, appeared for duty at the Wliit^ House gates. In 
retrospect it must seem to the most inflexible person a reason- 
■Uy mild and gentle thing to have done. But at the same 
tiBM it caused a profound stir. Columns of front page space 
m >U the newspapers of the country gave more or less dispae- 
■ioiMte accounts of the main facts. Women carrying banners 
were standing quietly at the White House gates "picketing" 
Uw President: women wanted President Wilson to put his 
power Ijeliind the suffrage amendment in Congress. That did 
■ot leero so shocking and only a few editors broke out into hot 

When, however, the women went back on the picket line the 
next day and the next and the next, it began to dawn upon the 
press that such persistence was "undesiraMe" . . . 

^HL coll 

^^H thr< 
^B the 


"unwonianly" . . . "dangerous." Gradually the people most 
hostile to the idea of suffrage in any form marshaled forth the 
fears which accompany every departure from the prescribed 
path. Partisan Democrats frowned. Partisan Republicans 
chuckled. The rest remained in cautious silence to see how 
"others" would take it. Following the refrain of the press, 
the protest-chorus grew louder. 

"Silly women" . . . "unsexcd" . . . '"patholo^cal" . . . 
"They must be crazy" . . . *'Don't they know anything about 
politics?" . . . "What can Wilson do? He does not have to 
sign the constitutional amendment." ... So ran the comment 
from the wise elderly gentlemen sitting buried in their cush- 
ioned chairs at the gentlemen's club across the Park, watch- 
ing eagerly the "shocking," "shameless" women at the gates 
of the White House. No wonder these gentlemen found the 
pickets irritating! This absorbing topic of conversation, we 
are told, shattered many an otherwise quiet afternoon and 
broke up many a quiet game. Here were American women be- 
fore their very eyes daring to shock them into having to think 
about liberty. And what was worse — liberty for women. Ah 
well, this could not go on, — this insult to the President. They 
could with impunity condemn him and gossip about his affairs, 
fiut that women should stand at his gates asking for liberty, — 
that was a sin without mitigation. 

Disapproval was not confined merely to the gentlemen in 
their Club. I merely mention them as an example, for they 
were our neighbors, and the strain on them day by day, as 
our beautiful banners floated gaily out from our headquarters 
was, I am told, a heavy one. 

Yet, of course, we enjoyed irritating them. Standing on 
the icy pavement on a damp, wintry day in the penetrating 
cold of a Washington winter, knowing that within a stone's 
throw of our agony there was a greater agony than oura — 
there was a joy in that! 


There wen? faint nunbUngs also in Congress, but like 80 
many of its feelings they were confined largely to the cloak 
rooms. Representative Emerson of Ohio did demand from the 
floor of the House that the "suffrage guard be withdrawn, as it 
is an insult to the President," but his protest met with no re- 
gponae whatever from the other members. His oratory fell on 
indiiferent ears. And of course there were always tliose in Con- 
gress who got a vicarious thrill watching women do in their fight 
idiat they themselves had not the courage to do in their own. 
Another representative, an anti-suffrage Democrat, inconsid- 
erately called us "Iron-jawed angels," and hoped we would 
retire. But if by these protests these congressmen hoped to 
arouse their colleagues, they faOed. 

We were standing at the gates of the White House because 
the American Congress had become so supine that it could not 
or would not act without being compelled to act by the Presi- 
dent. They knew that if they howled at us it would only afford 
an opportunity to retort — "Very well then, if you do not like 
ua at the gates of your leader ; if you do not want us to 'insult' 
the President, end this agitation by taking the matter into 
joar own hands and passing the amendment." Such a sug- 
gestion would be almost as severe a shock as our picketing. 
Tbe thought of actually initiating legislation left a loyal Demo- 
cratic follower transfixed. 

The heavy dignity of the Senate forbade their meddling 
noch in this controversy over tactics. Also they were more 
interested in the sporting prospect of our going into the world 
war. There was no appeal to blood4ust in the women's fight. 
"Hiere were no shining rods of steel. There was no martial 
nuisic. We were not pledging precious Uves and vast billions 
b our crusade for liberty. The beginning of our fight did in- 
deed seem tiny and frail by the side of the big game of war, 
and so the s^iators were at first scarcely aware of our presence. 

Bui the intrepid women stood their long vigils, day 




bj day, at the White House gates, tlirough biting wind and 
driving rain, through sleet and snow as well as sunshiDe, wait- 
ing for the President to act. Above ail the challenges of their 
banners rang this simple, but insistent one: 

Mr. Pbesieent! 
how long must women wait foe lihkett? 

The rojal blaze of purple, white and gold— the Party's tri- 
colored banners — made a gorgeous spot of color against the 
bare, blacklitnbed trees. 

There were all kinds of pickets and so there were all kinds 
of reactions to the experience of picketing. The beautiful 
ladj, who drove up in her limousine to do a twenty minute turn 
on tlie line, found it tltrilling, no doubt. The winter tourist 
who had read about the pickets in her home paper thought it 
would be "so exciting" to hold a banner for a few minutes. 
But there were no illusions in the hearts of the women who 
stood at their posts day in and day out. None of them will 
tell you that they felt exalted, ennobled, exhilarated, possessed 
of any rare and exotic emotion. They were human beings be- 
fore they were pickets. Their reactions were those of any 
human beings called upon to set their teeth doggedly and hang 
on to an unpleasant Job. 

"When win that woman come to relieve me? I have stood 
here an hour and a half and my feet are like blocks of ice,** 
was a more frequent comment from picket to picket thaa 
"Isn't it glorious to stand here defiantly no matter what the 
stupid people say about us?" 

"I remember the thousand and one engaging things that 
would come to my mind on the picket line. It seemed that 
anything but standing at a President's gate would be more 
diverting. But there we stood. 

And what were the reflections of a President as he saw the 
indomitable little army at his gates? We can only venture to 



my from events wLich happened. At first he seemed amused 
and interested. Perhftps he thought it a trifling incident 
staged bj a minoritj of the extreme "left" among su9*ragists 
and anticipated no popular support for it. When he saw their 
persistence through a cruel winter his sympathy was touched. 
He ordered the guards to invite them in for a cup of hot 
coffee, which they declined. He raised his hat to them as he 
drore through the line. Sometimes he smiled. As yet he was 
not irritated. He was fortified in his national power. 

With the country's entrance into the war and his immedi-fl 
ate elevation to world leadership, the pickets began to be a 
serious thorn in his flesh. His own statements of faith in 
democracy and the necessity for establishing it throughout the 
world left him open to attack. His refusal to pay the just 
bQI owed the women and demanded by them brought irritation. I 

What would t/ott do if you owed a just bill and every day j 
sonte one stood outside your gates as a quiet reminder to t 
wliole world that you had Dot paid it? 

You would object. You would get terribly irritated. Yob4 
would caU the insistent one all kinds of harsh names, Yoa| 
migiht even arrest him. But the scandal would be out. 

Rightly or wrongly, your sincerity would be touched; faith 1 
U yoQ would be shaken a bit. Perhaps even against your will I 
JOB would yield. 

But you wovld yield. And that was the one important fact J 
to the women. 

This daily sigbt, inspiring, gallant and impresave, escaped J 
DO visitor to the national capital. Distinguished visitors from 
the far comers of the earth passed by the pickets on those days 
which made history. Thousands read the compelling messages 
DO the banners, and literally hundreds of thousands learned the 
•lory, when the visitors got "back home." 

Real displeasure over the sentinels by those who passed 
was negligible. There was some mirth and joking, but the vast 


majority were filled with admiration, either silent or expressed. 

"Keep it up." . . , "You are on the right track." . . . 
"Con gr at 111 at ion a." ... "I certainly admire your pluck — 
stick to it and you will get it." . . . This last from a military 
officer. . . . "It is an outrage that you women should hare to 
stand here and beg for your rights. We gave it to our women 
in Australia long ago." . , . This from a charming gentleman 
who bowed approvingly. 

Often a lifted hat was held in sincere reverence over the 
heart as some courteous gentleman passed along the picket line. 
Of course there were some who came to try to argue with the 
pickets; who attempted to dissuade them from their persistent 
course. But the serene, good humor and even temper of the 
women would not allow heated arguments to break in on the 
military precision of their line. If a question was asked, a 
picket would answer quietly. An occasional sneer was easy 
to meet. That required no acknowledgment. 

A sweet old veteran of the Civil War said to one of my 
comrades : "Yous all right ; you gotta fight for your rights 
in this world, and now that we arc about to plunge into another 
war, I want to tell you women there'll be no end to it unless 
you women get power. We can't save ourselves and we need 
you. ... I am 84> years old, and I have watched this fight 
since I was a young man. Anything I can do to help, I want 
to do. I am living at the Old Soldiers' Home and I ain't got 
mjch money, but here's something for your campaign. It's 
all I got, and God bless you, you've gotta win." He spoke the 
last sentence almost with desperation as he shoved a crumpled 
$S.OO bill into her hand. His spirit made it a precious gift. 

Cabinet members passed and repassed. Congressmen by the 
hundreds came and went. Administration leaders tried to con- 
ceal under an artificial inditference their sensitiveness to our 

And domestic battles were going on inside the homes 


throaghout the country, for women were coming from every 
state in the Union, to take their place on the line. For the 
first time good "suffrage-hushands" were made uncomfortable. 
Had they not always believed in suffrage? Had they not al- 
ways been uncomplaining when their wife's time was given to 
suffrage campaigning? Had they not, in short, been good 
sports about the whole thing? There was only one answer. 
They had. But it had been proved that all the things that 
vomeD had done and all the things in which their menfolk had 
cooperated, were not enough. Women were called upon for 
more intensive action. "You cannot go to Washington and 
risk your health standing in front of the White House. I 
cannot have it." 

"But the time has come when we have to take risks of health 
or anything else." 

'*Well, then, if you must know, I don't believe in it. Now 
I am a reasonable man and I have stood by you all the way 
op to now, but I object to this. It isn't ladylike, and it will do 
the cause more harm than good. You women lay yourselves 
open to ridicule," 

"That's just it^ — -that's a fine beginning. As soon as men 
get tired laughing at us, they will do something more about it. 
They won't find our campaign so amusing before long." 

"Bat I protest. You've no right to go without considering 

"But if your country called you in a fight for democracy, 
u it is likely to do at any moment, you'd go, wouldn't you?** 

**Why, of course." 

"Of course you would. You would go to the front and 
Wave roc to struggle on ss best I could without you. That is 
the way you would respond to your country's call, whether it 
WM a righteous cause or not. Well, I am going to the front 
too. I am going to answer the women's call to fight for democ- 
laey. I would be ashamed of myself if I were not willing to 



join my comracteB. I am Borry that jou object, but if you will 
just put yourself in my place you will see that I cannot do 

It must be recorded that there were exceptional men of 
sensitive imaginations who urged women againat their own 
hesitancy. They are the handful who gave women a hope 
that they would not always have to struggle alone for their 
liberation. And women passed by the daily picket line as specta- 
tors, not as participants. Occasionally a woman came forward 
to remonstrate, but more often women were either too shy to 
advance or so enthusiastic that nothing could restrain them. 
The more kind-hearted of them, inspired by the dauntless 
pickets in the midst of a now freezing temperature, brought 
mittens, fur pieces, golashcs, wool-lined raincoats; hot bricks 
to stand on, coffee in thermos bottles and what not. 

Meanwhile the pickets became a household word in Wash' 
ington, and very soon wore the subject of animated conversa- 
tion in practically every comer of the nation. The Press car- 
toonists, by their friendly and satirical comments, helped a 
great deal in popularizing the campaign. In spite of the bitter 
editorial comment of most of the press, the humor of the situ- 
ation had an almost universal appeal. 

At the Washington dinner of the Gridiron Club, probably 
the best known press club in the world, — a dinner at which 
President Wilson was a guest, — one of the songs sung for his 
benefit was as follows: 

"We're camping to-night on the White House grounds 

Give us a rousing cheer; 
Our golden flag we hold aloft, of cops we have no fear. 

Many of the pickets are weary to-night. 
Wishing for the war to cease ; many are the chilblains and 
frost-bites too; 
It is no life of case. 

Camping to-night, camping to-night. 
Camping on the White Hou9e grounds.'* 



Top — "Wb Shall Ficht" Bansem" 
StLEST Sentisei, — Jot Vooho 
Middle— PuKvrtisa in- the Rai.n 
ftoWom-WoRBiKo Women- Marcic to White Hoike' 

• r< Ifirri, t Eri> 

The While Honse police on duty at the gates came to treat 
the pickctcrs as comrades. 

**t was kiiida worried," confessed one burly officer when the 
pickets were five minutes late one day. "We thought perhaps 
yoo weren't coming and we would have to hold down this place 

The I»tt«r-enderB among the opponents of suffrage broke 
into such violent criticism that they won new frienda to the 

People who had never before thought of suffrage for women 
to think of it, if only to the extent of objecting to the 
m which we asked for it. People who had thought a little 
it suffrage were compelled to think more about it. People 
iriw had believed in suffrage all their lives, but had never done 

■ itroke of work for it, began to make speeches about it, if 
only for the purpose of condemning us. 

Some politicians who had voted for it when there were not 
enough votes to carry the measure loudly threatened to com- 
mit political suicide by withdrawing their support. But it was 
easy to see at a glance that they would not dare to run so 
great a political risk on an issue growing daily more important. 

As soon as the regular picket line began to be accepted as 

■ matter of course, we undertook to touch it up a bit to sustain 
public interest. State days were inaugurated, beginning with 

I Uarylaod. The other states took up the idea with enthusiasm. 
There was a College Day, when women representing 15 Ameri- 
can colleges stood on the line; a Teachers' Day. which found 
Uie long line represented by almost every state in the Union, 
Utd a Patriotic Day, when American flags mingled with the 
party's banners carried by representatives of the Women's 
ReRcrve Corps, Daughters of the Revolution and other patri- 
orgnnizations. And there were professional days when 
doctors, lawyers and nurses joined the picket appeaL 
icoln's birthday anniversary saw another new feature. 


A long lin? of women took out banners bearing the elogai 

LtKCOLN stood fob woman suffrage 60 TEAKS AGO. 

Ma. Phesident, why do you block the National 
Sdffbagb Amendment to-day? 

Why ABE YOD BEiimD Lincoln? 


After the Civn, Wae, women asked foe politicai. 

FBEEDOM, They were told to wait THIS WAS THE 

N£GBO*8 HOUR. Ik 1917 American women still ask 

FOB freedom. 

Will tod, Mr. Pbesident, tell thsm to wait^ 


A huge labor demonstration on the picket line late in Feb- j 
niary brought women wage earners from office and factory I 
throughout the Eastern States. ] 

A special Susan B. Anthony Day on the anniversary of the i 
birth of that great pioneer, served to remind the President who 
said, "You can afford to wait," that the women had been J 
waiting and tigliting for this legislation to pass Congress since m 
the year 1878. I 

More than one person came forward to speak with true T 
religious fervor of the memory of the great Susan B, Anthony. \ 
Her name is never mentioned nor her words quoted without , 
finding such a response. 

In the face of heavy snow and rain, dozens of young wo- I 

men stood in line, holding special banners made for this occa-j 

sion. Thousands of men and women streaming home from work 1 

in the early evening read words of hers spoken during the Civil^l 

■ President Wilson bad Just advocated self-govemmcDt for Porto Ricani 


'ar, so completely applicable to the policy of the young ban- 
r-bearers at the gates. 

Wb psess oce desukd fo» thb ballot at thm 
tiue m ko narkow, cafiods or selfish sfibit, but 
fbou purest patriotism fob the highest good of 
evert cmzen, foe the safett of the republic 
and as a glorious example to the nations of the 



The bight of self-government foe one-half of 
ith people is of far more vital conseeuence to 
the nation than any or all other questions. 

Daring the reunion week of the Daughters and Veterans of 
be Confederacy, the picket line was tlie center of attraction 
ar the sight-seeing veterans and their families. For the first 
ime in history the troops of the Confederacy had crossed the 
Potomac and taken possession of the capital city. The streets 
iwe lined with often tottering but still gallant old men, white- 
ttired and stooped, wearing their faded badges on their gray 
nifomis, and carrying their tattered flags. 

It Kerned to the young women on picket duty during those 
kyi that not a single veteran had failed to pay his respects 
blhe pickets. They came and came; and some brought back 
their wives to show them the guard at the gates. 

Ok old eoldier with tears in his dim eyes came to say, 
"Tfe done sentinel duty in my time. I know what it is. . . . 



And now it's jour turn. You joung folks have the strength 
and the courage to keep it up. . . . You are going to put it 

One sweet old AUbamian came ahyly up to one of the 
pickets and said, "I say. Miss, this is the Wliite House, 
isn't it?" 

Before she could answer, he added : "We went three times 
around the place and I told the boys, the big white house in 
the center was the White House, but they wasn't believing me 
and I wasn't sure, but as soon as I saw you girls coming with 
your flags, to stand here, I said, 'This mu»t be the White 
House. This is sure enough where the President lives-; here 
are the pickets with their banners that we read about down 
home.' " A note of triumph was in his frail voice. 

The picket smiled, and thanked him warmly, as he finished 
with, "You are brave girls. You are bound to get him" — 
pointing his shaking finger toward the White House. 

President Wilson's second inauguration was rapidly ap- 
proaching. Also war clouds were gathering with all the 
increased emotionalism that comes at such a crisis. Some 
additional demonstration of power and force must be made 
before the President's inauguration and before the excitement 
of our entry into the war should plunge our agitation into 
obscurity. This was tbe strategic moment to assemble our 
forces in convention in Washington. 

Accordingly, the Congressional Union for Woman Suf- 
frage and the Woman's Party, that section of the Congree- 
sional Union in suffrage states made up of women voters, con- 
vened in Washington and decided unanimously to unite tJieir 
strength, money and political power in one organization, and 
called it the National Woman's Party. 

The following officers were unanimously elected bo direct 
the activities of the new organization: Chairman of the Na- 
tional Woman's Party, Miss Alice Paul, New Jersey; vice- 


chainnao, Miss Anne Martin, Nevada; secretary. Miss Mabel 
Vernon, Nevada; treasurer. Miss Gertrude Crocker, niinois; 
executive members. Miss Lucy Burns, Mrs, O. H. P. Bebnont) 
Mrs. John Winters Brattnan, New York; Mrs, Gilson Gardner, 
Illinois ; Mrs. Robert Baker, Washington, D. C. ; Mrs. William 
Kent and Miss Maud Younger, California ; Mrs. Florenca 
Bayard Hilles, Delaware; Mrs. Donald Hooker, Maryland; 
Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins, New Jersey; Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, 
Pexmsylvania, and Miss Doris Stevens, Nebraska, 

The convention came to a close on the eve of inauguration, 
eultmoating in the dramatic picket line made up of one thou- 
sand delegates who sought an interview with the President. 
Tie purpose of the interview was to carry to him the resolu- 
tions of the convention, and further plead with him to open his 
second administration with a promise to back the amendment. 

In our optimism we hoped that this glorified picket- pageant 
mi^t form a climax to our three months of picketing. The 
President admired persistence. He said so. Ho also said he 
appreciated the rare tenacity shown by our women. Surely 
"now" he would be convinced! No more worrying persistence 
wmild be needed! The combined political strength of the 
weetem women and the financial strength of the eastern 
women would surely command his respect and entitle us to a 

What actually happened? 

It was a day of high wind and stinging, icy rain, that 
March 4th, 1917, when a thousand women, each bearing a 
banner, struggled against the gale to keep their banners erect. 
It is always impressive to see a thousand people march, but 
the impression was imperishable when these thousand women 
Bwrched in rain-soaked garments, hands bare, gloves roughly 
torn by the sticky varnish from the banner poles and the 
ttreams of water running down Uie poles into the palms of 
their haDde. It was a si^t to impress even the most hardened 





spectator who had seen all the various forms of the suffrage 
agitation in Washington. For more than two hours the 
women circled the White House — the rain never ceasing for 
an instant — hoping to tlie last moment that at least their 
leaders would be allowed to take in to the President the resolu- 
tions which they were carrying. 

Long before the appointed hour for the march to start, 
thousands of spectators sheltered by umbrellas and raincoats 
lined the streets to watch the procession. Two bands whose 
men managed to continue their spirited music in spite of the 
driving rain led the march playing "Forward Be Our Watch- 
word"; "The Battle Hymn of the Republic"; "Onward Chris- 
tian Soldiers"; "The Pilgrim's Chorus" from Tannhauser; 
"The Coronation March" from Le Prophete, the Russian Hymn 
and "The Marsellaise," 

Miss Vida Milholland led the procession carrying her sister'a 
last words, "Mr. President, how long must women wait for 
liberty?" She was followed by Misa Bculah Amidon of North 
Dakota, who carried the banner that the beloved Inez Milhol- 
land carried in her first suffrage procession in New York. 

The long line of women fell in behind. 

Most extraordinary precautions had been taken about the 
White House. Everything had been done except the important 
thing. There were almost as many police officers as marchers. 
The Washington force had l)een augmented by a Baltimore con- 
tingent and squads of plainclothes men. On every fifty feet 
of curb around the entire White House grounds there was a 
policeman. About the same distance apart on the inside of 
the tall picket-fence which surrounds the grounds were as many 

We proceeded to the main gate. Locked ! I was marshal- 
ling at the head of the line and so heard first hand what passed 
between the leaders and the guards. Miss Anne Martia ad- 
dressed the guard — 


"We have come to present softie important resolutions to 
the President of the United States." 

"I have orders to keep the gates locked, Ma'am," 

"But there must be sonic mistake. Surely the President 
does not mean to refuse to see at least . . ." 

"Those are my only orders. Ma'am." 
The procession continued on to the second gate on Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue. Again locked. Before we could address the 
somewhat nervous policeman who stood at the gates, he hast- 
ened to say, "You cant come in here ; the gates are locked." 

"But it is imperative; we are a thousand women from all 
States in the Union who have come all the way to Washington 
to see the President and lay before him . . ." 

"No orders. Ma'am." 

The line made its way to the third and last gate — the gate 
leading to the Executive offices. As we came up to this gate a 
noall army of grinning clerks and secretaries manned the win- 
dows of the Executive offices, evidently amused at the sight 
of the women struggling in the wind and rain to keep their 
banners intact. Miss Martin, Mrs. William Kent of California, 
Mrs. Florence Bayard Hilles of Delaware, Miss Mary Patter- 
ion of Ohio, niece of John C. Patterson of Dayton, Mrs. J. A. 
H. Hopkins of New Jersey, Miss Eleanor Barker of Indiana, 
and Mrs. Mary Darrow Wciblo of North Dakota, — the leaders 
— itayed at the gate, determined to get results from the guard, 
■kfle the women continued to circle the Wlilte House. 

"Will you not carry a message to the President's Secretary 
uking him to tell the President that we are here waiting to 

"Can't do that, Ma'am.'* 

•'Will you then take our cards to the Secretary to the 
Pfcfident, merely announcing to him that we are here, so that 
bf nay send somebody to carry in our resolutions?" 

Still the guard hesitated. Finally he left the gate and 



carried the message a distance of a few rods into the Executive 
offices. He had scarcely got inside when he rushed back to his 
post. When we sought to ascertain what had happened to the 
cards — had they been given and what the answer was — he 
quietly confided to us that he had been reprimanded for even 
attempting to bring them in and informed us that the cards 
were still in his pocket, 

"I have orders to answer no questions and to carry no 
messages. If you have anything to leave here you might take 
it to the entrance below the Executive offices, and when I go 
off my beat at six o'clock I will leave it as I go by the WHiite 

We examined this last entrance suggested. It did not strike 
us as the proper place to leave an important message for the 

"What is this entrance used forP" I asked the guard. 
^ "It's all right, lady. If you've got something you'd like to 
leave, leave it with me. It will be safe." 

I retorted that we were not seeking safety for our mes- 
sage, but speed in delivery. 

The guard continued: "This is the gate where Mrs. Wil- 
son's clothes and other packages are left." 

It struck us as scarcely fitting that we should leave our 
resolutions amongst "Mrs. Wilson's clothes and other pack- 
ages," so we returned to the last locked gate to ask the guard 
if he had any message in the meantime for us. He shook his 
head regretfully. 

Meanwhile the women marched and marched, and the raio 
fell harder and as the afternoon wore on the cold seemed almost 

The white-haired grandmothers in the procession — there 
were some as old as 8i — were as energetic as the young girls of 
20. What was this immediate hardship compared to eternal 
subjection ! Women marched and waited^ — ^waitcd and marched, 




onder the sting of the biting elements and under the worse 
sting of the indignities heaped upon them. It was impossible 
to believe that in democratic America they could not see the 
President to lay before hiin their grievance. 

It was only when they saw the Presidential limousine, in 
the late afternoon, roll luxuriously out of the grounds, and 
through the gates domi Pennsylvania Avenue, that the weary 
marchers realized that President Wilson had deliberately 
turned them away unJieard! 

The car for an instant, as it came through the gates, 
divided the banner-bearers on march. President and Mrs. Wil- 
son looked straight ahead as tf the long line of purple, white 
and gold were invisible. 

All the women who took part in that march will tell you 
what was burning in their hearts on that dreary day. Even 
if reasons had been offered — and they were not — genuine 
reasons why the President could not see them, it would not have 
cooled the women's heat. Their passionate resentment went 
deeper than any reason could possibly have gone. 

This one single incident probably did more than any other 
to make women sacrifice themselves. Even something as thin as 
diplomacy on the part of President Wilson might have saved 
him many restless hours to follow, but he did not take the 
trouble to exercise even that. 

The women returned to headquarters and there wrote a 
letter which was dispatched with the resolutions to President 
Wilson. In a letter to the National Woman's Party, acknowl- 
edging the receipt of them, he concluded by saying: "May I 
not once more express my sincere interest in the cause of woman 
suffrage ?" 

Three months of picketing had not been enough. We must 
not only continue on duty at bis gates but also at the gates 
of Congress. 



PRESIDENT WILSON called the War Session of tht 
Sixty-fifth Congress on April 2, 1917. 

On the opening day of Congress not only were the 
pickets again on duty at the White House, but another picket 
line was inaugurated at the Capitol. Returning senators and 
congressmen were surprised when greeted witli great golden 
banners reading: 

Russia and England akb enfxanchising theik 


The last desperate flurries in the pro-war and anti-war 
camps were focused on the Capitol grounds that day. There 
swarmed about the grounds and through the buildings pacifists 
from all over the country wearing white badges, and advocates 
of war, wearing the national colors. Our sentinels at the Cap- 
itol stood strangely silent, and almost aloof, strong in their 
dedication to democracy, while the peace and war agitation 
circled about them. 

With lightning speed the President declared that a state of 
war existed. Within a fortnight following. Congress declared 
war on Germany and President Wilson voiced his memorable, 
"We shall fight for the things we have always carried nearest 
our hearts— for dcmocracy^for the right of those who submit 
to authority to have a voice in their own government." Inspir- 


mg words indeed ! The war message concluded with still an- 
other defense of the fight for political liberty: "To such a 
task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that 
we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those 
who know that the day has come when America is privileged 
to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave 
her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treas- 
ured. God helping her, she can do no less.'* 

Now that the United States was actually involved in war, 
we were face to face with the question, which we had considered 
at the convention the previous month, when war was rumored, 
as to what position we, as an organization, should take in this 
fiitaation. _ 

The atmosphere of that convention had been dramatic in 
the extreme. Most of the delegates assembled had been ap- 
proached either before going to Washington or upon arriving, 
and urged to use their influence to persuade the organization to 
abandon its work for the freedom of women and turn its activ- 
ities into war channels. Although war was then only rumored, 
the hysterical attitude was already prevalent. Women were 
asked to furl their banners and give up their half century 
struggle for democracy, to forget the liberty that was most 
precious to their hearts. 

"Tile President will turn this Imperialistic war into a cru- 
sade for democracy." . . . "Lay aside your own fight and help 
as crush Germany, and you will find yourselves rewarded with 
a vote out of the nation's gratitude," were some of the appeals 
made to our women by government officials high and low and 
by tlie rank and file of men and women. Never in history did 
■ band of women stand together with more sanity and greater 
solidarity than did these 1000 delegates representing thousands 
more throu^out the States. 

As our official organ. The Suffragist, pointed out edito- 
rialist in its issue of April 21st, 1917: Our membership was 



made up of women who had banded together to secure political 
freedom for women. We were united on no other subject. 
Some would offer passive resistance to the war; others would 
become devoted followers of a vigorous military policy. Be- 
tween these, every shade of opinion was represented. Each was 
loyal to the ideas wliich she held for her country. With the 
character of these various ideals, the National Woman's Party, 
we maintained, had nothing to do. It was concerned only with 
the effort to obtain for women the opportunity to give effective 
expression, through political power, to their ideals, whatever 
they might be. 

The thousand delegates present at the convention, though 
differing widely on the duty of the individual in war, were unani- 
mous in voting that in the event of war, the National Woman's 
Party, at an organization, should continue to work for political 
liberty for women and for that alone, belie^-ing as the conven- 
tion stated in its resolutions, that in so doing the organization 
"serves the highest interest of the country." They were also 
unanimous in the opinion that all service which mdimdaalt 
wished to give to war or peace should be given through groups 
organized for such purposes, and not through the Woman's 
Party, a body created, according to its constitution, for one 
purpose only — "to secure an amendment to the United States 
Constitution enfranchising women." 

We declared officially through our organ that this held "as 
the policy of the Woman's Party, whatever turn public events 
may take." 

Very few days after we were put upon a national war basis 
it became clear that never was there greater need of work for 
internal freedom in the country. Europe, then approaching her 
third year of war, was increasing democracy in the midst of the 
terrible conflict. In America at that very moment women were 
being told that no attempt at electoral reform had any place 
in the country's program "until the war is over." The Demo- 


crats met in caucus and decided that only "war measures" 
should be included in the legislative program, and announced 
that no subjects would be considered b; them, unless the Presi- 
dent urged them as war measures. 

Our task was, from that time on, to make national suffrage 
a war measure. 

We at once urged upon the Administration the wisdom of 
accepting this proposed reform as a war measure, and 
pointed out the difficulty of wa^ng a war for democracy abroad 
wiiile democracy was denied at home. But the government was 
not willing to profit by the experience of its Allies in extending 
suffrage to women, without first offering a terrible and brutal 

We must confess that the problem of dramatizing our fight 
for democracy in competition with the drama of a world-war, 
was most perplexing. Here were we, citizens without power and 
recognition, with the only weapons to which a powerless class 
which does not take up arms can resort. We could not and 
would not fight with men's weapons. Compare the methods 
women adopted to those men use in the pursuit of democracy, — 
bayonets, machine guns, poison gas, deadly grenades, liquid 6re, 
bombs, armored tanks, pistols, barbed wire entanglements, sub- 
marines, mines — every known scientific device with which to 
annihilate the enemy ! 

What did we do? 

We continued to fight with our simple, peaceful, almost 
quaint device — a banner. A little more fiery, perhaps; perti- 
nent to the latest political controversy, but still only a banner 
inscribed with militant truth! 

Just as our political strategy had been to oppose, at elec- 
tions, the party in power which liad failed to use its power to 
free women, so now our military strategy was based on the 
military doctrine of concentrating all one*s forces on the 
enemy'i weakest point. To women the weakest point in the 




A dminist ration's political liacs during the war was the incon- 
siatency between a cnisade for world democracy and the 
denial of democracy at home. This was the untenable position 
of President Wilson and the Democratic Administration, from 
which we must force them to retreat. We could force such a 
retreat when we had exposed to the world this weakest point. 

Just as the blu7 of a democratic crusade must be called, 
80 must the knight-leader of the crusade bo exposed to the 
critical eyes of the world. Here was the President, suddenly 
elevated to the position of a world leader with the almost 
pathetic trust of the peoples of the world. Here was the cham- 
pion of their democratic aspiratious. Here was a kind of 
universal Moses, expected to lead all peoples out of bondage — 
no matter what the bondage, no matter of how long standing. 

The President's elevation to this unique pinnacle of power 
was at once an advantage and a disadvantage to us. It was an 
advantage to us in that it made our attack more dramatic. 
One supposed to be impeccable was more vulnerable. It was 
a disadvantage to have to overcome this universal trust and 
world-wide popularity. But this conflict of wits and brains 
against power only enhanced our ingenuity. 

Od the day the English mission headed by Mr. Balfour, and 
the French mission headed by M. Viviani, visited the White 
House, we took these inscriptions to the picket line : 


Dehockact SHori-r begin at home 
We dxuand jrflTicE ajjd self-goveknment in oce own land 

Embarrassing to say these things before foreign visitors? 
We hoped it would be. In our capacity to embarrass Mr. Wil- 
son in his Administration, lay our only hope of success. We 
had to keep before the country the flagrant inconsiatency of 



the President's position. We intended to know why, if de- 
mocracy were so precious as to demand the nation's blood and 
treasure for its achievement abroad, ita execution at home was 
so undesirable. 

Meanwhile : — 

*'I tell you solemnly, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot any 
longer postpone justice in these United States" — President 

*'I don't wish to sit down and let any man take care of me 
without my at least having a voice in it, and if he doesn't listen 
to my advice, I am going to make it as unpleasant as I can," — 
President Wilson,— and other challenges were carried on 
banners to the picket line. 

Some rumblings of political action began to be heard. The 
Democratic majority had appointed a Senate Committee on 
Woman Suffrage whose members wore overwhelmingly for fed- 
eral action. The chairman, Senator Andreas Jones of New 
Mexico, promised an early report to the Senate. There were 
scons of gains in Congress. Representatives and Senators were 
tumbling over each other to introduce similar suffrage resolu- 
tions. We actually had difficulty in choosing the man whose 
name should stamp our measure. 

A minority party also was moved to act. Members of the 
Progressive Party met in convention in St. Louis on April 12, 
IS and 14 and adopted a suffrage plank which demanded "the 
nation-wide enfranchiseemnt of women. . , ." 

In addition to this plank they adopted a resolution calling 
for the establishment of democracy at home "at a time when 
the United States is entering into an international war for 
democracy*' and instructing the chairman of the convention "to 
request a committee consisting of representatives of all liberal 
groups to go to Washington to present to the President and 
the Congress of the United States a demand for immediate sub- 


missioD of OB amendment to the UDited States constita^ 
enfraDchisisg women." 

They appointed a comnuttee from the convention to carry 
these resolutions to the President. The committee included Mr. 
J, A. H. Hopluna of the Progressive Party, as chairman; Dr. 
E. A. Rumley of the Progressive-Republican Party and Vice 
President of the New York Evening Mail; Mr. John Spargo of 
the Socialist Party; Mr. Virgil Hinshaw, chairman of the 
Executive Committee of the Prohibition Party ; and Miss Mabel 
Vernon, Secretary of the National Woman's Party. It was tlie 
first suffrage conference with the President after the declara- 
tion of war, and was tiie last deputation on suffrage by minority 
party leaders. The conference was one of the utmost informal- 
ity and friendliness. 

The President was deeply moved, indeed, almost to the point 
of tears, when Miss Mabel Vernon said, *'Mr. President, the 
feelings of many women in this country are best expressed 
by your own words in your war message to Con- 
gress. . . . To every woman who reads that message must 
come at once this question : If the right of those who submit to 
authority to have a voice in their own government is so sacred 
B cause to foreign people as to constitute the reason for our 
entering the international war in its defense, will you not, Mr. 
President, give immediate aid to the measure before Congress 
demanding self-government for the women of this country?" 

The President admitted that suffrage was constantly press- 
ing upon his mind for reconsideration. He added, however, 
that the program for the session was practically complete and 
intimated that it did not include the enfranchisement of women. 

He informed the Committee that he had written a letter to 
Mr. Pou, Chairman of the Rules Committee of the HousC) 
expressing himself as favoring the creation of a Woman Suf- 
frage Committee in that body. While we had no objection to 


having the House create a Suffrage Committee, we were not 
primarily interested in the amplification of Congression&l 
machinery, unless this amplification was to be followed bj the 
passage of the amendment. The President could as easily have 
written the Senate Committee on Suffrage or the Judiciary 
Committee of the House, advising an immediate report on the 
suffrage resolution, as have asked for the creation of another 
committee to report on the subject, 
I He made no mention of his state-by -state conviction, how- 

ever, as he had in previous interviews, and the Committee of 
Progressives understood him to have at least tacitly accepted 
federal action. 

The House Judiciary Cororaittee continued to refuse to act 
and the House Rules Committee steadily refused to create a 
Suffrage Committee. 

Hoping to win back to the fold the wandering Progressives 
who had thus demonstrated their allegiance to suffrage and 
seeing an opportunity to embarrass the Administration, the 
Republicans began to interest themselves in action on the 
amendment. In the midst of Democratic delays. Representative 
James R. Mann, Republican leader of the House, moved to dis- 
charge the Judiciary Committee from further consideration of 
the suffrage amendment. No matter if the discussion which 
followed did revolve about the authorization of an expenditure 
of $10,000 for the erection of a monument to a dead Presi- 
dent as a legitimate war measure. It was clear from the par- 
tisan attitude of those who took part in the debate that we 
were advancing to that position where we were as good political 
material to be contested over by opposing political groups as 
was a monument to a dead President, And if the Democrats 
eould defend such an issue as a war measure, the Republicans 
wanted to know why they should ignore suffrage for women as 
A war meaBure. And it was encoura^g to find ourselves thus 


suddenly and spontaneously sponsored by the Republican 

The Administration was aroused. It did not know how far 
the Republicans were prepared to go in their drive for action, 
80 on the day of this flurry in the House the snail-like Rules 
Committee suddenly met in answer to the call of its chairman, 
Mr. Pou, and by a vote of 6 to 6 decided to report favorably 
on the resolution providing for a Woman Suffrage Committee 
in the House "after all pending war meaiures iuwe been dis- 
posed of." 

Before the meeting, Mr. Pou made a last appeal to the 
Woman's Party to remove the pickets. . . . "We can't possibly 
win as long as pickets guard the White House and Capitol," 
Mr. Pou had said. The pickets continued their vigil and the 
motion carried. 

Still uncertain as to the purposes of the Republicans, the 
Democrats were moved to further action. 

The Executive Committee of the Democratic National 
Committee, meeting in Washington a few days later, voted i 
to 2 to "officially urge upon the President that he call the two 
Houses of Congress together and recommend the immediate 
submission of the Susan B. Anthony amendment." This action 
which in effect reversed the plank in the Democratic platform 
evidently aroused protests from powerful quarters. Also the 
Republicans quickly subsided when they saw the Democrats 
making an advance. And so the Democratic Executive Com- 
mittee began to spread abroad the news that its act was not 
really official, but merely reflected the "personal conviction'* of 
the members present. It extracted the official flavor, and so of 
course no action followed in Congress. 

And BO it went — like a great game of chess. Doubtless the 
politicians believed they were moved from their own true and 
noble motives. The fact was that the pickets had moved the 
Democrats a step. The Republicans had then attempted to 


take two steps, whereupon the Democrats must continue to 
move more rapidly than their opponents. Behind this match- 
ing of political wits by the two parties stood the faithful pickets 
compelling them both to act. 

Simultaneously with these moves and counter-moves in 
political circles, the people in all sections of this vast country 
began to speak their minds. Meetings were springing up 
everywhere, at which resolutions were passed backing up the 
picket line and urging the President and Congress to act. Even 
the South, the Administration's stronghold, sent fiery tele- 
grams demanding action. Alabama, South Carolina, Texas, 
Maryland, Mississippi, as well as the West, Middle West, New 
England and the East — the stream was endless. 

Every time a new piece of legislation was passed, — the war 
tax bill, food conservation or what not, — women from unex- 
pected quarters sent to the Government their protest against 
the passage of measures so vital to women without women's 
consent, coupled with an appeal for the liberation of women. 
Club women, college women, federations of labor, — various 
kinds of organizations sent protests to the Administration 
leaders. The picket line, approaching its sixth month of duty, 
had aroused the country to an unprecedented interest in suf- 
frage; it had rallied widespread public support to the amend- 
ment as a war measure, and had itself become almost univer- 
sally accepted if not universally approved. And in the midst 
of picketing and in spite of all the prophecies and fears that 
"picketing" would "set back the cause," within one month, 
Michigan, Nebraska and Rhode Island granted Presidential 
suffrage to women. 

The leaders were busy marshaling their forces behind the 
President's war program, wliieh included the controversial Con- 
scription and Espionage Bills, then pending, and did not relish 
having our question so vivid in the public mind. Even when the 
rank and file of Congress gave consideration to questions not 



in the war program, they had to face a possible charge of incon- 
sistency, insincerity or bad faith. The freedom of Ireland, for 
esample, was not in the program. And when 132 members of 
the House cabled Lloyd George that nothing would do more 
for American enthusiasm in the war than a settlement of the 
Irish question, we took pains to ascertain the extent of the 
belief in liberty at home of these easy champions of Irish lib- 
erty. When we found that of the 132 men only 57 believed in 
liberty for American women, we were not delicate in pointing 
out to the remaining 76 that their belief in liberty for Ireland 
would appear more sincere if they believed in a democratic 
reform such as woman suffrage here. 

The manifestations of popular approval of sutFrage, the 
constant stream of protests to the Administration against its 
delay nationally, and the shame of having women begging at 
its gates, could result in only one of two things. The Adminis- 
tration had little choice. It must yield to this pressure from 
the people or it must suppress the agitation which was causing 
such interest. It must pass the amendment or remove the 
troublesome pickets. 

It decided to remove the pickets. 


THE Adminiatration chose suppression. They resorted to 
force in an attempt to end picketing. It was a policy 
doomed to failure as certainty as all resorts to force to 
kill agitation have failed ultimately. This marked the beginning 
of the adoption by the Administration of tactics from which 
they could never extricate themselves with honor. Unfortu- 
nately for them they were entering upon this policy toward 
women wliich savored of czarist practices, at the very moment 

' they were congratulating the Russians upon their Uberatioa 
from the oppression of a Czar, This fact supplied us with a 
fresh angle of attack. 

President Wilson sent a Mission to Russia to add America's 
appeal to that of the other Allies to keep that impoverished 
country in the war. Such was our democratic zeal to persuade 
Russia to continue the war and to convince her people of its 
democratic purposes, and of the democratic quality of America, 
that Elihu Root, one of the President's envoys, stated in Petro- 
gra.d that he represented a republic where "universal, direct, 
etjual and secret suffrage obtained." We subjected the Presi- 
dent to attack through this statement. 

Russia also sent a war mission to our country for pur- 
poses of cooperation. This occasion offered us the opportunity 
again to expose the Administration's weakness in claiming 
complete political democracy while women were still denied their 
political freedom. 

I It was a beautiful June day when all Washington was agog 


with the visit of the Russian diplomats to the President. As 
the car carrying the enToys passed swiftly through the gates 
of the White House there stood on the picket line two silent 
sentinels. Miss Lucy Burns of New York and Mrs. Lawrence 
Lewis of Philadelphia, both members of the National Executive 
Committee, with a great lettered banner which read: 


Pezsident Wilson and Envoy Root abe deceivino 




We the Women of America tell you that Amer- 
ica IS not a democracy. Twenty- million Ameri- 
can women are denied the right to vote. Presi- 
dent Wilson is the chief opponent of theie na- 
tional enfranchisement. 
Help cs make this nation really free. Tell our 
Government it must liberate its people before 
IT CAN claim Free Russia as an ally. 

Rumors that the suffragists would make a special demon- 
stration before the Russian Mission had brought a great crowd 
to the far gate of the White House; a crowd composed almost 
entirely of men. 

Like all crowds, this crowd had its share of hoodlums and 
roughs who tried to interfere with the women's order of the 
day. There was a flurry of excitement over this defiant mes- 
sage of truth, but nothing that could not with the utmost ease 
have been settled by one policeman. 

There was the criticism in the press and on the lips of men 
that we were embarrassing our Government before the eyes of 
foreign visitors. In answering the criticism, Miss Paul pub- 
licly stated our position thus: *'The intolerable conditions 




against which we protest can be changed in the twinldiog of 
on eye. The responsibility for our protest is, therefore, with 
the Administration and not with the women of America, if the 
lack of democracy at home weakens the Administration in its 
fight for democracy throe thousand miles away," 

This was too dreadful. A flurry at the gates of the Chief 
of the nation at such a time would never do. Our allies in the 
crusade for democracy must not know that we had a day-by- 
day unrest at home. Something must be done to stop this 
expos^ at once. Had these women no manners? Had they no 
shamei* Was the fundamental weakness in our boast of pure 
and perfect democracy to be go wantonly displayed with im- 

Of course it was embarrassing. We meant it to be. The 
truth must be told at all costs. Ttiis was no time for manners. 

Hurried conferences behind closed doors ! Summoning of 
the military to discuss declaring a military zone around the 
White House! Women could not advance on drawn bayonets. 
And if they did . . , What a picture ! Common decency told 
the more humane leaders that this would never do. I daresay 
politicftl wisdom crept into the reasoning of others. 

Closing the Woman's Party headquarters was discussed. 
Perhaps a raid ! And all for what ? Because women were hold- 
ing banners asking for the precious principle at home that men 
were supposed to be dying for abroad. 

Finally a decision was reached embodying the combined 
wisdom of all the various conferees. The Chief of Police, Major 
Pullman, was detailed to "request" us to stop "picketing" and 
to tell us that if we continued to picket, we would be arrested. 

"We have picketed for six months without interference," 
said Miss Paul. "Hai the Ime been changedf 

**No," was the reply, "but you must stop it." 

"But, Major Pullman, we have consulted our lawyers and 
know we have a legal right to picket." 


"I warn you, you will be arrested if you attempt to picket 

The following day Miss Lucy Bums and Miss Katherine 
Morey of Boston carried to the Wliite House gates "We shall 
fight for the things we have always held nearest our hearts, 
for democrncy, for the right of those who submit to authority 
to have a voice in their own government," and were arrested. 

Kews had spread through the city that the pi^ketB were to 
be arrested, A moderately large crowd had gathered to see 
the "fun." One has only to come into conflict with prevailing 
authority, whether rightly or wrongly, to find friendly hosts 
vanishing with lightning speed. To know that we were no 
longer wanted at the gates of the White House and that the 
police were no longer our "friends" was enough for the mob 

Some members of the crowd made sport of the women. 
Others hurled cheap and childish epithets at them. Small 
boys were allowed to capture souvenirs, shreds of the banners 
torn from non-resistant women, as trophies of the sport. 

Thinking they had been mistaken in believing the pickets 
were to be arrested, and having grown weary of their strenuous 
sport, the crowd moved on its way. Two solitary figures re- 
mained, standing on the sidewalk, flanked by the vast Penn- 
sylvania Avenue, looking quite abandoned and alone, when sud- 
denly without any warrant in law, they were arrested on a 
completely deserted avenue. 

MJHS Bums and Miss Morey upon arriving at the police 
station, insisted, to the great surprise of all the officials, 
upon knowing the charge against them. Major Pullman and 
his entire staff were utterly at a loss to know what to an- 
swer. The Administration had looked ahead only as far as 
threatening arrest. They doubtless thou^t tliis was all 
they would have to do. People could not be arrested for picket- 
ing. Picketing is a guaranteed right under the Clayton Act of 


Congress. Disorderly condut^tP There had been no disorderly 
conduct. Inciting to riot ? Impossible ! The women had stood 
as silent sentinels holding the President's own eloquent words. 

Doors opened and closed mysteriously. Officials and sub- 
officials passed hurriedly to and fro. Whispered conversations 
were heard. The book on rules and regulations was hopefully 
thumbed. Hours passed. Finally the two prisoners were 
pompously told that they had "obstructed the traffic" on Penn- 
sylvania Avenue, were dismissed on their own recognizance, aMl 
never brought to trial. 

The following day, June itSrd, more arrests were made; two 
women at the White House, two at the Capitol. All carried 
banners with the same words of the President. There was no 
hesitation this time. They were promptly an'ested for "ob- 
structing the traffic." They, too, were dismissed and their cases 
never tried. It seemed clear that the Administration hoped to 
suppress picketing merely by arrests. When, however, womea 
continued to picket in the face of arrest, the Administration 
quickened its advance into the venture of suppression. It de- 
cided to bring the offenders to trial. 

On June 26, six American women were tried, judged guilty 
on the technical charge of "obstructing the traffic," warned by 
the court of their "unpatriotic, almost treasonable behavior," 
and sentenced to pay a fine of twenty-five dollars or serve three 
days in jail. 

"Not a dollar of your fine will we pay," was the answer 
of the women. "To pay a tine would be an admieeioD of gnilt. 
We are innocent." 

The six women who were privileged to serve the first terms 
flf imprisonment for suffrage in this country, were Miss Kath- 
erine Morey of Massachusetts, Mrs, Annie Ameil and Miss 
Mabel Vernon of Delaware, Miss Lavinia Dock of Pennsylvania, 
Miss Maud Jamison of Virginia, and Miss Virginia Arnold of 

I Miss Mai 


North Carolina. "Privileged" in spite of the foul air, the rats, 
and the muttcrings of their strange comrades in jail! 

Independence Day, July i, 1917, is the occasion for two 
demonstrations in the name of liberty. Champ Clark, late 
Democratic speaker of the House, is declaiming to a cheering 
crowd beliintl the White House, "Governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of tiie governed." In front of the 
White House thirteen silent sentinels with banners bearing the 
same words, are arrested. It would have been exceedingly droU 
if it had not been so tragic. Champ Clark and his throng were 
not molested. The women with practically a deserted street 
were arrested and served jail terms for "obstructing traffic." 

The trial of this group was delayed to give the jaU authori- 
ties time to 'Vacate and tidy up," as one prisoner confided to 
Miss Joy Young. It developed that "orders" had been re- 
ceived at the jail immediately after the arrests and before the 
trial, "to make ready for the suffragettes." What did it matter 
that their case had not yet been heard? To jail they must go. 

Was not the judge who tried and sentenced them a direct 
appointee of President Wilson? Were not the District Com- 
missioners who gave orders to prepare the cells the direct ap- 
pomtees of President Wilson? And was not the Chief of Police 
of the District of Columbia a direct appointee of these same 
commissioners? And was not the jail warden who made life 
for the women so unbearable in prison also a direct appointee 
of the commissioners? 

It was all a merry Httle ring and its cavalier attitude 
toward the law, toward justice, and above all toward women 
was of no importance. The world was on fire with a grand 
blaze. This tiny fiame would scarcely be visible. No one would 
notice a few "mad" women thrown into jail. And if the world 
should find it out, doubtless public opinion would agree that the 
women ought to stay there. And even if it should not agree, 



: another I 

fi ofBcial 1 

this little matter could all be explained away before 

Meanwhile the President could proclaim through ofBcial 
channels his disinterestedness. Observe the document, of which 
I ^ve the substance, which he caused or allowed to be pub- 
lished at this time, through bis Committee on Public In- 

"Official Bulletin" 

"Published Daily under order of the President of the 
United States, by the Committee on Public Information. 

George Creel, Chairman. 

"Furnished without charge to all newspapers, post offices, 
government ofHcials and agencies of a public character for the 
diawmination of official news of the United States Government." 

^P "Washington, July 3, 1917. No. 46— Vol. i." 

There follows a long editorial ' which laments the public 
attention which has centered on the militant campaign, appeals 
to editors and reporters not to "encourage" us in our peculiar 
conduct by printing defies to the President of the United States 
even when "flaunted on a pretty little purple and gold ban- 
ner" and exhorts the public to control its thrills. The official 
bulletin concludes with: 

"It is a fact that there remains in America one man who 
has known exactly the right attitude to take and maintain 
toward the pickets. A whimsical smile, slightly puckered at 
the roots by a sense of the ridicidous, a polite bow — and for 
the rest a complete ignoring of their existence. He happens 
to be the man around whom the little whirlwind whirls — the 
President of the United States." And finally with an ad- 
monition that "the rest of the country . . . take example 
from him in its emotional reaction to the picket question." 

'From Uic fVtnaan Cttu** 


The Administration pinned its faith on jail — that insti- 
tution of convenience to the oppressor when he is strong in 
power and his weapons are effective. When the oppressor 
miscalculates the strength of the oppressed, jail loses its 

W i i j 


I M 





IT is Bastille Day, July fourteenth. Inspiring scenes and , 
tragic sacrifices for liberty come to our minds. Sixteea 
women march in single file to take their own "Liberty, 
Equality, Fraternity" to the \Vhitc House gates. It is the 
middle of a hot afternoon. A thin line of curious spectators la 
seal in the park opposite the suffrage headquarters. The police 
assemble from obscure spots; some afoot, others on bicycles. 
They close in on the women and follow them to the gates. 

The proud banner is scarcely at the gates when the leader 
is placed under arrest. Her place is taken by another. She is 
taken. Another, and still another steps into the breach and 
is arrested. 

Meanwhile the crowd grows, attracted to the spot by the 
presence of the police and the patrol wagon. Applause is 
heard. TTiere are cries of "shame" for the police, who, I must 
say. did not always act as if they relished carrying out what 
they termed "orders from higher up." An occasional hoot from 
a small boy served to make the mood of the hostile ones a bit 
gayer. But for the most part an intense silence fell upon the 
watchers, as they saw not only younger women, but white- 
hatred grandmothers hoisted before the public gaze Into the 
crowded patrol, their heads erect, their eyes a little moist and 
their frail hands holding tightly to the banner until wrested 
from them by superior brute force. 

This is the 6rst time most of the women have ever seen a 




police station, and they are interested in their surroundings. 
They are not interested in helping the panting policeman count 
them over and identify tliem. Who arrested whom? That 
becomes the gigantic question. 

"Will the ladies please tell which officer arrested them?" 

They will not. They do not intend to be a party to this 
outrage. Finally the officers abandon their attempt at identi- 
fication. They have the names of the arrestees and will accept 
bail for their appearance Monday, 

"Well girls, I've never seen but one other court in my life 
and that was the Court of St. James. But I must say they are 
not very much alike," was the cheery comment of Mrs. Florence 
Bayard Hilles, ^ as we entered the court room on Monday. 

The stuffy court room is packed to overflowing. The fat, 
one-eyed bailiff is perspiring to no purpose. He cannot make 
the throng "sit down." In fact every one who has anything to 
do with the pickets perspires to no purpose. Judge Mullowny 
takes his seat, looking at once grotesque and menacing on his 
red throne. 

"Silence in the court room," from the sinister-eyed bailiff. 
And a silence follows so heavy that it can be heard, 

Saturday night's disorderlies — both black and white — are 
tried first. The suffrage prisoners strain their ears to hear the 
pitiful pleas of these unfortunates, most of whom come to the 
bar without counsel or friend. Scraps of evidence are heard. 

Jifdoe: "You say you were not quarreling, Lottie?" 

Lottie : *'I sho' do yo' bono'. We wuz jes singin' — we wus 
sho' nuf, sah." 

Judge: "Singing, Lottie? Why your neighbors here tes- 
tify to the fact that you were making a great deal of noise — 
so much that they could not sleep." 

'Mrs. Hilles is the daughter of the late Thomas Bayard, formerly 
America's ambassador to Great Britain, and Secretary of State In Pres- 
ident Cleveland's cabinet 


Lotus: "I tells yo' honor' we wuz jes singin' lak we allays 

Jttdoe: "What were you smging?" 

Lottie: "Why, hymns, aah." ■/..■'... 
r The judge smiles cynically, .' _■■■. 

A neatly-attired white man with a wizen^-hififi again takes 
stand against Lottie. Hymns or no hyihiis Ke could not 
sleep. The judge pronounces a sentence of "six mt^ttuin the 
workhouse," for Lottie. "," 

And so it goes on. 

The suffrage prisoners are the main business of the mom- - 
ing. Sixteen women come inside the railing which separates 
"tried" from "untried" and take their seats, 

"Do the ladies wish the government to provide them with 

They do not, 

"We shall speak in our own behalf. We feel that we can 
best represent ourselves," we announce. Miss Anne Martin and 
I act as attorneys for the group. 

The same panting policemen who could not identify the 
people they had arrested give their stereotyped, false and illit- 
erate testimony. The judge helps them over the hard places 
and so does the government's attorney. They stumble to an 
embarrassed finish and retire. 

An agi?d government clerk, grown infirm in the service, takes 

the stand and the government attorney proves through him that 

there is a White House; that it has a side-walk in front of it, 

and a pavement, and a hundred other overwhelming facts. The 

pathetic clerk shakes his dusty frame and slinks off the stand. 

I The prosecuting attorney now elaborately proves that we 

1 walked, that we carried banners, that we were arrested by the 

I aforesaid oiSccrs while attempting to hold our banners at the 

IWhite House gates. 

Each woman speaks briefly in her own defanse. She de- 


Bounces the government's policy .with hot defiance. The blame 
is placed squarely at the do.oj of, the Administration, and in 
unmistakable terms. Mi^s-Anne Martin opens for the defense: 

"This is what we att^.^oing with our banners before the 
White Hofluo, petirtoning the most powerful representative of 
tbe govemmtat-, -the President of the United States, for a 
redress ol grievances ; we are asking him to use bis great power 
to Be<;use the passage of the national suffrage amendment, 

•. "As long as the government and the representatives of the 
government prefer to send women to jail on petty and technical 
■ charges, we will go to jail. Persecution has always advanced 
the cause of justice. The right of American women to work 
for democracy must be maintained. . . . We would hinder, not 
help, the whole cause of freedom for women, if we weakly sub- 
mitted to persecution now. Our work for tbe passage of the 
amendment must go on. It wUl go on.** 

Mrs. John Rogers, Jr., descendant of Roger Sherman, one 
of tbe signers of tbe Declaration of Independence, speaks: "We 
are not guilty of any offence, not even of infringing a poUce 
regulation. We know full well that we stand here because the 
President of the United States refuses to give liberty to Amer^ 
ican women. We believe, your Honor, that the wrong persons 
are before the bar in this Court. . . ." 

"I object, your Honor, to this woman making such a state- 
ment here in Court," says the District Attorney, 

'•We believe the President is the guilty one and that we are 

*'Your Honor, I object,'* shouts the Government's attorney. 

The prisoner continues calmly: "There are votes enough 
aod there is time enough to pass the national suffrage amend- 
ment through Congress at this session. More than 200 votes 
in the House and more than 50 in the Senate are pledged to 
this amendment. The President puts his power behind all meas- 
es in which he takes a genuine interest. If he will say one 


frank word advocating this measure it will pass as a piece of 

war emergency legislation." 

J Mrs. Florence Bajard Hilles speaks in her own defense: 

"For generations the men of inv family have given their services 

I to their country. For myself, my training from childhood has 

been with a father who believed in democracy and who belonged 

to the Democratic Party, By inheritance and connectioQ I am 

' R Democrat, and to a Democratic President I went with my ap- 

I peal. . . . What a spectacle it must be to the thinking people 

1 of this country to see us urged to go to war for democracy in 

a foreign land, and to see women thrown into prison who plead 

for that same cause at home. 

"I stand here to ofBrm my innocence of the charge against 
me. Tliis court has not proven that I obstructed traffic. My 
presence at the White House gate was imdcr the constitutional 
right of petitioning the government for freedom or for any 
other cause. During the months of January, February, March, 
April and May picketing was legal. In June it suddenly be- 
comes illegal. . . . 

"My services as an American woman are being conscripted 
by order of the President of the United States to help win the 
world war for democracy. . . , 'for the right of those who sub- 
mit to authority to have a voice in their own government.* I 
shall continue to plead for the political liberty of American 
women — and especially do I plead to the President, since he is 
the one person who . . . can end the struggles of American 
women to take their proper places in a true democracy." 

There is continuous objection from the prosecutor, eager 

advice from the judge, "you had better keep to the charge of 

obstructing traffic." But round on round of applause comes 

I from the intent audience, whenever a defiant note is struck by 

I the prisoners, and in spite of the sharp rapping of the gavel 

£gn8. And how utterly puny the "charge" is ! If 
that the prisoners actually obstructed the traffic. 


how grotesque that would be. The importance of their demand, 
the purity of their reasoning, the nobility and gentle quality of 
the prisoners at the bar; all conspire to make the charge 
against them, and the attorney who makes it, and the judge 
who hears it, petty and ridiculous. 

But justice must proceed. 

Mrs. GUson Gardner of Washington, D. C, a member of 
tlie Executive Committee of the National Woman's party, and 
the wife of Gilson Gardner, a well-known Liberal and journalist, 

"It is impossible for me to believe that we were arrested 
because we were obstructing traffic or blocking the public high- 

"We have been carrying on activities of a distinctly political 
nature, and these political activities have seemingly disturbed 
certain powerful influences. Arrests followed. I submit that 
these arrests are purely political and that the charge of an 
unlawful assemblage and of obstructing traffic is a political 
subterfuge. Even should I be sent to jail which, I could not, 
your Honor, anticipate, I would be in jail, not because I ob- 
structed traffic, but because I have offended politically, because 
I have demanded of this government freedom for women.'* 

It was my task to sum up for the defense. The judge sat 
bored through my statement. "We know and I believe the 
Court knows also," I said, "that President Wilson and hia 
Administration are responsible for our being here to-day. It 
is a fact that they gave the orders which caused our arrest 
and appearance before tliis bar. 

"We know and you know, that the District Commissioners 
are appointed by the President, that the present commissioners 
were appointed by President Wilson. We know that you, your 
Honor, were appointed to the bench by President Wilson, and 
that the district attorney who prosecutes us was appointed by 
the President, These various officers would not dare bring us 

here under these false charges without the policy having been 
decided upon bj the responsible leaders. 

"What is our real crime? What have these distinguished 
and Ubcrty-loving women done to bring them before this court 
of justice? Why, your Honor, their crime is that they peace- 
fully petitioned the President of the United States for liberty. 
What must be the shame of our nation before the world when 
it becomes known that here we throw women into jail who love 
liberty and attempt to peacefully petition the President for it? 
These women are nearly all descended from revolutionary ances- 
tors or from some of the greatest libertarian statesmen this 
country has produced. Wliat would these men say now if they 
could see that passion for liberty which was in their own hearts 
rewarded in the twentieth century with fonl and filthy imprison- 

"We say to you, this outrageous policy of stupid and brutal 
punishment will not dampen the ardor of the women. Where 
sixteen of us face your judgment to-day there will be sixty to- 
morrow, so great will be the indignation of our colleagues in 
this fight." 

The trial came to an end after a tense two days. The 
I packed court-room sat in a terrible silence awaiting the judge's 

There were distinguished men present at the trial — men who 
also fight for their ideals. There was Frederic C. Howe, then 
Commissioner of Immigration of the Port of New York, Frank 
P. Walsh, International labor leader, Dudley Field Malone, 
then Collector of the Port of New York, Amos Pinchot, liberal 
leader, John A. H, Hopkins, then liberal-progressive leader in 
New Jersey who had turned his organization to the support of 
the President and become a member of the President's Cam- 
paign Committee, now chairman of the Committee of Forty- 
eight and whose beautiful wife was among the prisoners, Allen 
McCurdy, secretary of the Committee of Forty-eight and many 




others. One and all came forward to protest to us during the 
adjournment. "This is monstrous." . . . "Never have I seen 
evidence so disregarded." . . . "This is a tragic farce," . . . 
"He will never dare sentence you." . . . 

It was reported to us that the judge used the iaterim to 
telephone to the District building, where the District Commis- 
sioners sit. He returned to pronounce, "Sixty days in the 
workhouse in default of a twenty-live dollar fine." 

The shock was swift and certain to all the spectators. We 
would not of course pay the unjust fine imposed, for we were 
not guilty of any offense. 

The judge attempted persuasion. "You had better decide 
to pay your fines," he ventured. And "you will not find jaU 
a pleasant place to be." It was clear that neither he nor his 
confreres had imagined women would accept with equanimity so 
drastic a sentence. It was now their time to be shocked. Here 
were "ladies" — that was perfectly clear — "ladies" of unusual 
distinction. Surely they would not face the humiliation of a 
workhouse sentence which involved not only imprisonment but 
penal servitude! The Administration was wrong again. 

"We protest against this unjust sentence and conviction," 
we said, "but wc prefer the workhouse to the payment of a fine 
imposed for an offense of which we are not guilty." We filed 
into the "pen," to join the other prisoners, and wait for the 
"black maria" to carry us to prison. 

• • • • 

We are all taken to the District Jail, where we are put 
through the regular catechism : "Were you ever in prison be- 
fore? — Age — birthplace — father — mother — religion and what 
not?" We are then locked up, — two to a cell. What will hap- 
pen next? 

The sleek jailer, whose attempt to be cordial provokes a 
certain distrust, comes to our corridor to "turn us over" to our 
next keeper — the warden of Occoquan. We learn that the 


irorkhouse is not situated in the District of Columbia but in I 

Virginia. 1 

Other locked wagons with tiny windows up near the driver 
now take us, side by aide with drunks and disorderlies, prosti- 
tut«s and thieves, to the Pennsylvania Station. Here we em- d 

bark for the unknown terrors of the workhouse, filing through 1 

crowds at the station, driven on by our "keeper," who resembles I 

Simon Legree, with his long stick and his pushing and shoving ^ 

to hurry tis along. The crowd is quick to realize that we are 
prisoners, because of our associates. Friends try to bid us a 
last farewell and slip us a sweet or fruit, as we are rushed 
through the iron station gates to the train. 

Warden Whittaker is our keeper, thin and old, with a cruel < 

mouth, brutal eyes and a sinister birthmark on his temple. I 

He guards very anxiously his "dangerous criminals" lest they 
try to leap out of the train to freedom ! We chat a little and 
attempt to relax from the strain that we have endured since 
Saturday, It is now late in tlie afternoon of Tuesday. 

lie dusk is gathering. It is almost totally dark when we j 

ali^t at a tiny station in what seems to us a wilderness. It U 1 

a deserted country. Even the gayest member of the party, I I 

am sure, was struck with a little terror here. 

More locked wagons, blacker than tlie dusk, awaited us. 
The prison van jolted and bumped along the rocky and hilly 
road. A cluster of lights twinkled beyond the last liill, and we j 

knew that we were coming to our temporary summer residence. 
I can still see the long thin line of black poplars against the 
■mouldering afterglow. I did not know then what tragic thingi 
they concealed. 

• • • • I 

We entered a well-lighted office. A few guards of ugly de- 

i meanor stood about. Warden Whittaker consulted with the 

* hard-faced matron, Mrs. Hemdon, who began the prison 

routine. Names were called, and each prisoner stepped to the 



deat to get her number, to give up all jewelry, money, hand- 
bags, letters, eye-glasses, traveling bngs containing toilet 
necessities, in fact everything except the clothes on her body. 

From there we were herded into the long bare dining room 
where we sat dumbly down to a bowl of dirty sour soup. I say 
dumbly — for now began the rule of silence. Prisoners are 
punished for speaking to one another at table. They cannot 
even whisper, much less smile or laugh. They must be conscious 
always of their "guilt." Every possible thing is done to make 
the inmates feel that they are and must continue to be anti- 
social creatures. 

We taste our soup and crust of bread. We try so hard to 
eat it for we are tired and hungry, but no one of us is able to 
get it down. We leave the table hungry and slightly nauseated. 

Another long march in silence through various channels into 
a large dormitory and through a double line of cots! Then 
we stand, weary to the point of fainting, waiting the next 
ordeal. This seemed to be the juncture at which we lost all 
that is left us of contact with the outside world, — our clothes. 

An assistant matron, attended by negress prisoners, relieves 
us of our clothes. Each prisoner is obliged to strip naked 
without even the protection of a sheet, and proceed across what 
seems endless space, to a shower bath. A large tin bucket stands 
on the floor and in this is a minute piece of dirty soap, which is 
offered to us and rejected. We dare not risk the soap used by 
so many prisoners. Naked, we return from the bath to receive 
our allotment of coarse, hideous prison clothes, the outer gar- 
ments of which consist of a bulky mothcr-hubbard wrapper, 
of bluish gray ticking and a heavy apron of the same dismal 
stuff. It takes a dominant personality indeed to survive these 
clothes. The thick unbleached muslin undergarments are of 
designs never to be forgotten! And the thick stockings and 
forlorn shoes! What torture to put on shoes that are aUke for 
each foot and made to flt just anybody w)io may happen along. 

Why are we being ordered to dress P It is long past the 
bed-time hour. 

Our suspense is brief. All dressed in cloth of "guilt" we 
are led into what we later learn is the "recreation" room. 
Lined up against its wall, we might any other time have ban- 
tered about the possibility of being shot, but we are in no mood 
to jest. The door finally opens and in strides Warden Whit- 
taker with a stranger beside him. 

He reviews his latest criminal recruits, enga^ng the 
stranger meanwhile in whispered conversation. There are 
short, uncertain laughs. There are nods of the head and more 

"Well, ladies, I hope you are all comfortable. Now make 
yourselves at home here. I think you will 6nd it healthy here. 
You'll weigh more when you go out than when you came in. 
Yoti will be allowed to write one letter a month — to your fam- 
ily. Of course we open and read all letters coming in and going 
out. To-morrow you will be assigned your work. I hope you 
will sleep well. Good night!" 

We did not answer. We looked at each other. 

News leaked through in the morning that the stranger had 
been a newspaper reporter. The papers next morning were 
fall of the "comfort" and "luxury" of our surroundings. The 
"delicious" food sounded most reassuring to the nation. In 
fact no word of the truth was allowed to appear. 

The correspondent could not know that we went back to 
our cots to try to sleep side by side with negro prostitutes. 
Not that we shrank from these women on account of their 
color, but how terrible to know that the institution had gone 
out of its way to bring these prisoners from their own wing to 
the white wing in an attempt to humiliate us. There was 
plenty of room in the negro wing. But prison must be made 
so unbearable that no more women would face it. That was 
the policy attempted here. 





We tried very hard to sleep and forget our hunger and 
weariness. But all the night through our dusky comrades 
padded by to the lavatory, and in the streak of bright light 
which shot across the center of the room, startled heads could 
be seen bobbing up in the direction of a demented woman in 
the end cot. Her weird muttcrings made us fearful. There 
was no sleep in this strange place. 

Our thoughts turn to the outside world. Will the women 
care? Will enough women believe that through such humilia- 
tion all may win freedom? Will they believe that through our 
imprisonment their slavery will be lifted the sooner? Lesa 
philosophically, will tlie government be moved by public pro- 
test? Will such protest come? 

The next morning brought us a visitor from suffrage head- 
quarters. The institution hoped that the visitor would use her 
persuasion to make us pay our fines and leave and so she was 
admitted. We learned the cheering news, that immediately 
after sentence had been pronounced by the Court, Dudley Field 
Malone had gone direct to the White House to protest to the 
President. His protest was delivered with heat. The Presi- 
dent said that he was "shocked" at the sixty day sentence, 
that he did not know it had been done, and made other 
evasions. Mr. Malone's report of his interview witli the Presi- 
dent is given in full in a subsequent chapter. 

Following Mr. Malone, Mr. J. A. H. Hopkins went to the 
White House. "How would you like to have your wife sleep in 
a dirty workhouse next to prostitutes?" was his direct talk to 
the President. Again the President was "shocked." No won- 
der! Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins had been the President's dinner 
guests not very long before, celebrating liis return to power. 
They had supported him politically and financially in New 
Jersey. Now Mrs. Hopkins had been arrested at his gate and 
thrown into prison. 

In reporting the interview, Mr. Hoplcins said: 

"The President asked me for suggestions as to what might 
be done, and I replied that in view of the seriousness of the 
present situation the only solution lay in immediate passage 
of the Susan B. Anthony amendment." 

Gtlson Gardner also went to the White House to leave hu 
hot protest. And there were others. 

Telegrams poured in from all over the country. The press 
printed headlines which could not but arouse the sympathy 
of thousands. Even people who did not approve of picketing 
the White House said, "After all, what these women have done 
is certainly not 'bad' enough to merit such drastic punishment." 

And women protested. From coast to coast there poured 
in at our headquarters copies of telegrams sent to Administra- 
tion leaders. Of course not all women by any means had 
approved this method of agitation. But the government's 
action had done more than we had been able to do for them- 
It had made them feel sex-conscious. Women were being un- 
justly treated. Regardless of their feelings about this par- 
ticular procedure, they stood up and objected. 

For the first time, I believe, our form of agitation began 
to seem a little more respectable than the Administration's 
handling of it. But the Administration did not know this 
fact yet. 

• • ■ « 

"Everybody in line for the work-room!" 

We were thankful to leave our inedible breakfast. We were 
unable to drink the greasy black coffee. The pain in the tops 
of our heads was acute. 

"What you all down here for?" asked a young negress, 
barely out of her teens, as she casually fingered her sewing 

"Why, I held s purple, white and gold banner at the gates 
of ttw White House." 



"You don' say so! What de oddera do?" 

"Same thing. We all held banners at the White House 
gates asking President Wilson to give us the vote," 

"An' yo' all got sixty days fo' dat?" 

"Yes, You see the President thought it would be a good 
idea to send us to the workhouse for asking for the vote. You 
know women want to vote and have wanted to for a long time 
in our country." 

*'0 — Yass'm, I know. I seen yo' parades, an' meetin's, an' 
everythin'. I know whah yo' all live, right near the White 
House. You's alright. I hopes yo' git it, fo' women certainly 
do need protextion against men like Judge Mullowny. He has 
UB allatime picked up an' sen' down here. 

"They sen' yo' down here once, an' then yo' come out with- 
out a cent, and try to look fo' a job, an' befo' yo' can fin' one 
a cop walks up an' asks yo' whah yo' live, an' ef yo' haven't 
got a place yet, becaus' yo' ain' got a cent to ren' one with, 
he says, 'Come with me, I'll fin' yo' a home,' an' hustles yo' off 
to the p'lice station an' down heah again, an' you're called a 
'vag* (vagrant). What chanct has we niggahs got, I ask ya? 
I hopes yo' all gits a vote an' fixes up somethingi for women!" 

"Vou see that young girl over there?" said another pris- 
oner, who in spite of an unfortunate life had kept a remnant 
of her early beauty. I nodded. 

"Well, Judge Mullowny gave her thirty days for her first 
offense, and when he sentenced her, she cried out desperately, 
'Don't send me down there, Judge! If you do, I'll kill myself!' 
What do you think he said to that? — 'I'll give you six months 
in which to change your mind !' " 

I reflected. The judge that broke this pale-faced, silent 
girl was tlie appointee of the President. It was the task of 
such a man to sentence American women to the workhouse for 
demanding liberty. 

Conversing with the "regulars" was forbidden by the 

Tardress, but we maDaged, from time to time, to talk to our 
fellow prisoners with stealthiness. 

"We knew somethiii' vas goin' to happen," said one negro 
prl, "because Monday the close we had on wer' took off us an* 
we were giv' these old patched ones. We wuz told they wanted 
to take 'stock,' but we heard they wuz bein* washed fo* you-all 

The unpleasantness at wearing the formless garments of 
these unfortunates made us all wince. But the government's 
calculation aroused our hot indignation. We were not con- 
victed until Tuesday and our prison garments were ready 
Monday ! 

'*You must not speak against the President," said the 
servile wardress, when she discovered we were telling our story 
to the inmates. "You know you will be thrashed if you say 
anything more about the President ; and don't forget you're on 
Government property and may be arrested for treason if it 
happens again." 

We doubted the seriousness of this threat of thrashing until 
one of the girls confided to us that such outrages happened 
often. We afterward obtained proof of these brutalities.' 

"Old Whittaker beat up that girl over there just last week 
and put her in the 'booby* house on bread and water for five 

"What did she do?" I asked. 

"Oh, she an' another girl got to scrapping in the black- 
berry patch and she didn't pick enough berries. . . .'* 

"All put up your work, girls, and get in line." This from 
the wardress, who sped up the work in the sewing room. It was 
lunch time, and though we were all hungry we dreaded going 
to the silence and the food in that gray dining room with the 
vile odors. We were counted again as we filed out, carrying 
our heavy chairs with us as is the workhouse custom. • 
' See affldavit of Mn. hovet, page lU. 


"Do they do this all the time?" I aslied. It seemed aa 
though needless energy was being spent counting and recount- 
ing our little group. 

**Wouldn't do anybody any good to try to get away from 
here," said one of the white girls. "Too many bloodliounda !" 

"Bloodhounds !" I asked in amazement, for after all these 
women were not criminals but merely misdemeanants. 

"Oh, yes. Just a little while ago three men tried to get 
away and they turned bloodhounds after them and shot them 
■ dead — and they weren't bad men either." 
• • • • 

When our untastcd supper was over that night we were 
ordered into the square, bare-walled "recreation" room, where 
we and the other prisoners sat, and sat, and sat, our chairs 
against the walls, a dreary sight indeed, waiting for the forty- 
five minutes before bedtime to pass. The sight of two negro 
girl prisoners combing out each other's lice and dressing their 
kinky hair in such a way as to discourage permanently a return 
of the vermin did not produce in us exactly a feeling of 
"recreation." But we tried to sing. The negroes joined in, 
too, and soon outsang us, with their plaintive melodies and 
hymns. Then back to our cells and another attempt to sleep. 

A new ordeal the next morning! Another of the number- 
less "pedigrees" is to be taken. One by one we were called to 
the warden's office. 

"Were your father or mother ever insane?" 

"Are you a confirmed drunkard, chronic or moderate 

"Do you smoke or chew or use tobacco in any form?" 

"Married or single?" 


"How many children?" 


Fellow Prisosei 


"What religion do jou profess ?" 


"What religion do you profess?" in a higher pitched Toice. 

I did not clearly comprehend. "Do you mean 'Am I A 
Catholic or a Protestant?' I am & Christian." 

But it was of no avail. She wrote down, "None." 

I protested. "Tliat is not accurate. I insist that I am ft 
Christian, or at least I trj/ to be one." 

"You must Icam to be polite," she retorted almost fiercely^ ' 
and I retumixl to the sewing room. 

For the hundredth time we asked to be given our tooth- 
brushes, combs, handkerchiefs and our own soap. The third 
day of imprisonment without any of these essentials found us 
depressed and worried over our unsanitary condition. We 
plead also for toilet paper. It was senseless to deny these 
necessities. It is enough to imprison people. Why seek to 
degrade them utterly? 

• « • • 

The third afternoon we were mysteriously summoned into 
the presence of Superintendent Whittaker. He seemed warm 
and cordial. We were ordered drawn up in a semi-circle, 

"Ladies, there is a rumor that you may be pardonud." he 

"By whom?" asked one. 

"For what?" asked another. *'We are innocent women. 
There is nothing to pardon us for." 

"I have come to ask you what you would do if the President 
pardoned you." 

"We would refuse to accept it," came the ready response 
from several. 

"I shall leave you for a while to consider this. Mind! 
I have not yet received information of a pardon, but I have 
been asked to ascertain your attitude." 

Our consultation was brief. We were of one mind. We 



were unanimous in ivishing to reject a. pardon for a crime 
which we had never committed. We said so with some spirit 
when Mr. Whittaker returned for our decision. 

"You have no choice. You are obliged to accept a pardon." 

That settled it, and we waited. That the protest on the 
outside had been strong enough to precipitate action from the 
government was the subject of our conversation. Evidently it 
had not been strong enough to force action on the suffrage 
amendment, but it was forcing action, and that was important. 

Mr. Whittaker returned triumphant. 

'Xadies, jou are pardoned by the President. You are free 
to go as soon as you have taken off your prison clothes and 
put on your own," 

It was sad to leave the other prisoners behind. Especially 
pathetic were the girls who helped us with our clothes. TTiey 
whispered such eager appeals in our ears, telling us of their 
drastic sentences for trifling off'enses and of the cruel punish- 
ments. It was hard to resist digressing into some effort at 
prison reform. That way lay our instincts. Our reason told 
us that we must first change the status of women. 

As we were leaving the workhouse to return to Washington 
we had an unexpected revelation of the attitude of officialdom 
toward our campaign. Addressing Miss Lucy Burns, who had 
arrived to assist us in getting on our way, Superintendent 
Whittaker, in an almost unbelievable rage, said, "Now that you 
women are going away, I have something to say and I want to 
say it to j/ou. The nest lot of women who come here won't be 
treated with the same consideration that these women were," 
I will show later on how he made good this terrible threat. 
• • • • 

Receiving a Presidential pardon through the Attorney 
General had its amusing aspect. My comrades shared this 
amusement when I told them the following incident. 

On the day after our arrest, I was having tea at the Chevy 


(Siase Country Club in Washington. Quite casually a gentle- 
man introduced me to Mr. Gregory, the Attorney General. 

*'I see you were mixed up with the suffragettes yesterday," 
was the Attorney General's first remark to the gentleman. And 
before the latter could explain that he had settled accounts 
quietly but efficiently with a hoodlimi who was attempting to 
trip the women up on their march, the chief law officer of the 
United States contributed this important suggestion: "You 
know what I'd do if I was those policemen. I'd just take a 
hose out with me and when the women came out with their 
banners, why I'd just squirt the hose on 'em. , . ." 

"But Mr. Gregory , . ." 

"Yes, sir! If you can just make what a woman does look 
ridiculous, you can sure kill it. . . ." 

"But, Mr. Attorney General, what right would the police 
have to assault these or any other women?" the gentleman 
managed finally to interpolate. 

"Hup— hup " denoting great surprise, came from the 

Attorney General, as he looked to me for reassurance. 

His expectant look vanished when I said, "Mr. Gregory, did 
it ever occur to you that it might make the government look 
ridiculous instead of the women?" 

You can imagine how the easy manner of one who is supe 
of his audience melted from his face. 

"This is one of the women arrested yesterday," continued 
the gentleman, while the Attorney General smothered a "Well, 
I'll be . . ." 

"I am out on bail,'* I said. "To-morrow we go to jail. It 
is all prearranged, you understand. The trial is merely a 
matter of form." 

The highest law officer of the land fled gurgling. 

The day following our release Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins car- 
ried a picket banner to the gates of the White House to test 



the Talidity of the pardon. Her banner read, "We do Dot ask 
pardon for ourselves but justice for all American women.** 
A curious crowd, as large as had collected on those days when 
the police arrested women for "obstructing traffic," stood 
watching the lone picket. The President passed through the 
gates and saluted. The police did not interfere. 

Daily picketing was resumed and no arrests followed for 
the moment. 

It was now August, three months since the Senate Suffrage 
Committee authorized its chairman, Mr. Jones, to report the 
measure to the Senate for action. Mr. Jones said, however) 
that he was too busy to make a report ; that he wanted to make 
a particularly brilliant one, one that would "be a contribution 
to the cause"; that he did not approve of picketing, but that 
he would report the measure "in a reasonable time." So much 
for the situation in the Senate! 

From the House we gatliered some interesting evid^ice. 
We reminded Mr. Webb, Chairman of the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, that out of a total membership of twenty-one men on 
his committee, twelve were Democrats, two-thirds of whom were 
opposed to the measure ; we reminded iiim that the Republicans 
on the committee were for action. Mr. Webb wrote in answer: 

"The Democratic caucus passed a resolution that only war 
emergency measures would be considered during this extra ses- 
sion, and that the President might designate from time to time 
special legislation wiiich he regarded as war legislation, and 
such would be acted on by the House. The President, not hav- 
ing designated woman suffrage and national prohibition so far 
as war measures, the judiciary committee up to this time haa 
not felt warranted under the caucus rule, in reporting either 
of these measures. If the President should request either or 
both of them us war measures, then I think the Committee 
would attempt to take some action on them promptly. So 
you see after all it it important to yowr cause to make tht 


Pretidmf tee that woman suffrage comes tpithin the rvlea laid 

Here was a frank admission of the assumption apon which 
women had gone to jail — that, the President was responsiUe 
for action on the amendment. 

Now that we were again allowed to picket the White House, 
the Repuhlicans seized the opportunity legitimately to embar- 
rass tlieir opponents by precipitating a. bitter debate. 

Senator Cummins of Iowa, Republican member of the Suf- 
frage Conunittee, moved, as had Mr. Mann in the House at an 
earlier date, to discharge the Suffrage Committee for failing to 
make the report authorized by the entire Committee. Mr. 
Cummins said, among other things : 

"... I look upon the resolution as definitely and certainly 
a war measure. There is nothing that this country could do 
which would strengthen it more than to give the disfranchised 
women . . . the opportunity to vote. . . . 

"Last week ... I went to the Chairman of the Committee 
and told him that ... we had finished the hearings, reached 
a conclusion and that it was our bounden duty to make the 
report to the Senate. ... I asked him if he would not call • 
meeting of the Committee. He said that it would be impossible, 
that he had some other engagements which would prevent ft 
meeting of the Committee." 

Senator Cummins explained that he finally got the promise 
of the Chairman that a meeting of the Committee would be 
called on a given date. When it was not called he made his 

Chairman Jones made some feeble remarks and some evasive 
escases which meant nothing, and which only further aroused 
Republican friends of the measure on the Committee. 

Senator Gronna of North Dakota, Republican, interrupt«d 

'ItaUCi are mine. 




him with the direct question, "I ask the chairman of this com- 
mittee why this joint resolution has not been reported? The 
Senator, who is chair-^an of the comioittee, I suppose, knows 
as well as I do that the people of the entire country are anxious 
to have this joint resolution submitted and to be given an 
opportunity to vote upon it, . , ." 

Senator Johnson of California, Republican, proposed thai 
Chairman Jones consent to call the Committee together to 
consider reporting out the bill, which Senator Jones flatly 
refused to do. 

Senator Jones of Washington, another Republican member 
of the Committee, added: 

"I agree with the Senator from Iowa that this is a war 
measure and ought to be considered as such at this time. I do 
not see how we can very consistently talk democracy while dis- 
francliising the better half of our citizenship — / mat/ not 
approve of the action of the Tcomen picketing the White Home, 
bttt neither do I approve of rchat I consider the lawlesi action 
toward these women, in connection with the picketing. , . ." 

"I do not want to think the chairman does not desire to 
call the committee together because of some influence outside 
of Congress as some have suggested. . . ." 

At this point Senator Hollis of New Hampshire, Demo- 
crat, arose to say : 

"There is a small but very active group of women suffra- 
gists who have acted in such a way that some who are ardently 
in favor of woipan suffrage believe that their action should not 
be encouraged by making a favorable report at this time." 

Senator Johnson protested at this point, but Senator Hollis 
continued : 

"To discharge the committee wovld focus the attention of 
the covjntry upon the action and would give undue weight to 
what hat been done hy the active group of woman suffragists" 



I think that any student of psychology will acknowledge 
that our picketing had stimulated action in Congress, and that 
idiat was now needed was some still more proTocatiye action 




IMPRISONING women had met with considerable public 
disapproval, and attendant political embarrassment to the 
Administration. That the presidential pardon would end 
this embarrassment was doubtless the hope of the Administra- 
tion. The pickets, however, returned to their posts in steadily 
increasing numbers. Their prescnc.e at the gates was desired 
by the Administration no more now than it had been before the 
arreets and imprisonments. But they had found no way to 
rid themselves of the pickets. And as another month of picket- 
ing drew to an end the Administration ventured to try otlier 
ways to stop it and with it the consequent embarrassment. 
Their methods became physically more bi-utal and politically 
more stupid. Their conduct became lawless in the extreme. 

Meanwhile the President had drafted the young men of 
America in their millions to die on foreign soil for foreign 
democracy. He had issued a special appeal to women to give 
their work, their treasure and their sons to this enterprise. 
At the same time his now gigantic figure stood obstinately 
across the path to our main objective. It was our daily task 
to keep vividly in his mind that objective. It was our responsi- 
bility to compel decisive action from him. 

Using the return of Envoy Root from his mission to Russia 

as another dramatic opportunity to speak to the President we 
took to the picket line these mottoes : 




Whose ubertt? 
Thib nation la not free. Twentt miluom wokev 


f Tell the president that he cannot fight againrt 


Tell hih to make amebica safe for democ&act 



At no time during the entire picketing was the traffic on 
Pennsylvania Avenue so completely obstructed as it was for 
the two hours during which this banner made its appearance 
on the line. Police captains who three weeks before were testi- 
fying that the police could not manage the crowds, placidly 
looked on while these new crowds increased. 

We did not regard Mr. Wilson as our President. We felt 
that he had neitlicr political nor moral claim to our allegiance. 
War had been made without our consent. The war would be 
finished and very likely a bad peace would be written without 
our consent. Our fight was becoming increasingly difficult — 1 



night almost say desperate. Here we were, a band of women 
fighting with banners, in the midst of a world armed to the teeth. 
And so it was not very difficult to understand how high spirited 
women grew more resentful, unwilling to be a party to the 
President's hypocrisy, the hypocrisy so eager to sacrifice life 
without stint to the vague hope of liberty abroad, while re- 
fusing to assist in the peaceful legislative steps which would 
lead to self-government in our own country. As a matter of 
fact the President's constant oratory on freedom and democ- 
racy moved them to scorn. They were stung into a protest so 
militant as to shock not only the President but the public. We 
inscribed on our banner what countless American women had 
long thought in their hearts. 

The truth was not pleasant but it had to be told. We 
submitted to the world, through the picket line, this question : 

Kaisek Wilson 
Have yon forgotten how yoc sympathized with 


Take the beam odt of your own eye. 

We did not expect public sympathy at this point. We 
knew that not even the members of Congress who had occasion- 
ally in debate, but more frequently in their cloak rooms, and 
often to US privately, called the President "autocrat" — 
"Kaiser" — "Ruler" — "King" — "Czar" — would approve our 
telling the truth publicly. 

Nor was it to be expected that eager young boys, all agog 
to fight Germans, would be averse to attacking women in the 
meantime. They were out to fight and such was the pul^ic 
hysteria that it did not exactly matter whom they fought. 

And so those excited bojs of the Army aod Navy attacked 
the womcii and the banner. The banner was destroyed. An- 

I other was brought up to take its place. This one met the 
same fate. Meanwhile a crowd was assembling in front of the 
White House either to watch or to assist in the attacks. At 
the very moment when one banner was being snatched awaj 
and destroyed. President and Mrs. Wilson passed through the 
gates on their way to a military review at Fort Myer. The 
President taw American women being attacked, whUe the polic^ 
refuted them protection. 

Not a move was made by the police to control the growing 
crowd. Such inaction is always a signal for more violence on 
the part of rowdies. As the throng moved to and fro between 
the White House and our Headquarters immediately opposite, 
so many banners were destroyed that finally Miss Lucy Burns, 
Miss Virginia Arnold and Miss Elizabeth Stuyvesant took those 
remaining to the second and third floor balconies of our building 
and hung them out. At this point there was not a picket left 
on the street. The crowd was clearly obstructing the traffic, 
but no attempt was made to move them back or to protect the 
women, some of whom were attacked by sailors on their own 
doorsteps. The two police officers present watched without 
interference while three sailors brought a ladder from the 
Belasco Tlieatcr in the same block, leaned it against the side 
of the Cameron House, the Headquarters, climbed up to the 

, second floor balcony, mounted tlie iron railing and tore down 
all banners and the American flag. One sailor administered a 
severe blow in the face with his clenched fist upon Miss Georgina 
Sturgis of Washington, 

"Why did you do that?" she demanded. 
The man halted for a brief instant in obvious amazement 
and said, "I don't know." And with a violent wrench ho tore 

\ the banner from her hands and ran down the ladder. 

^^^^3%e narrow balcony was the scene of intense excitement. 


But for Miss Bums' superb strength she would have been 
dragged over the railing of the balcony to be plunged to the 
^ound. The mob watclied with fascination wliile she swayed 
to and fro in her wrestle with two young sailors. And etiU 
no attempt by the police to quell the riot! 

The climax came when in the late afternoon a bullet was 
fired through one of the heavy glass windows of the sec- 
ond floor, embedding itself in the ceiling. The bullet grazed 
past the head of Mrs. Ella Morton Dean of Montana. Captain 
Flather of the 1st Precinct, with two detectives, later examined 
the holes and declared they had been made by a 38 caliber 
revolver, but no attempt was ever made to find the man who 
had drawn the revolver. 

Meanwhile eggs and tomatoes were hurled at our fresh 
banners fiying from the flag poles on the building. 

Finally police reserves were siunmoned and in less than five 
minutes the crowd was pushed back and the street cleared. 
Thinking now that they could rely on the protection of the 
police, the women started with their banners for the White 
House. But the police loolccd on while all the banners were 
destroyed, a few paces from Headquarters. More banners 
went out, — purple, white and gold ones. They, too, were 
destroyed before they reached the White House. 

This entire spectacle was enacted on August 14, within a 
stone's throw of the White House. 

Miss Paul summed up the situation when she said: 

"The situation now existing in Washington exists because 
President Wilson permits it. Orders were first handed ^down 
to the police to arrest suffragists. The clamor over their im- 
prisonments made this position untenable. The police were 
then ordered to protect suffragists. They were then ordered 
to attack suffragists. They have now been ordered to encour- 
age irresponsible crowds to attack suffragists. No police head 
would dare so to besmirch his record without orders from his 


responsible chief. The responsible chief in the N'ational Capital 
is the President of the United States." 

Shortly after the incident of the "Kaiser banner" I was 
speaking in Louisville, Kentucky. The auditorium was packed 
and overflowing with men and women who had come to hear 
the story of the pickets, 

Up to this time we had very few members in Kentucky and 
had anticipated in this Southern State, part of Preaideot 
Wilson's stronghold, that our Committee would meet with no 
enthusiasm and possibly witli warm hostility. 

I had related briefly the incidents leading up to the picket- 
ing and the Government's suppressions. I was rather cau- 
tiously approacliing the subject of the "Kaiser banner," feeling 
timid and hesitant, wondering how tliis vast audience of South- 
erners would take it. Slowly I read the inscription on the 
famous banner, "Kaiser Wilson, have you forgotten how yoa 
sympathized with the poor Germans because they were not 
self-governed .' Twenty million American women are not self- 
governed. Take the beam out of your own eye." 

I hardly reached the last word, still wondering what the 
intensely silent audience would do, when a terrific outburst of 
applause mingled with shouts of "Good! Good! He is, he is I** 
came to my amazed ears. As the applause died down there was 
almost universal good-natured laughter. Instead of the pains- 
taking and eloquent explanation which I was prepared to offer, 
I had only to join in their laughter. 

A few minutes Inter a telegram was brought to the plat- 
form announcing further arrests. I read: 

"Six more women sentenced to-day to 30 days in Occoquan 

Inataut erics of "Shame! Shfune! It's an outrage!" 
Scores of men and two women were on their feet calling for the 
passagf of a resolution denouncing the Administration's policy 




of persecution. The motion of condemnation was put. It 
seemed as if the entire audience seconded it. It went through 
instantly, unanimously, and again with prolonged shouts and 

The meeting continued and I shall never forget, that audi- 
ence. It lingered to a late hour, almost to midnight, asking 
questions, making brief "testimonials" from the floor with 
almost evangelical fervor. Improvised collection baskets were 
piled high with bills. Women volunteered for picket duty and 
certain imprisonment, and the following day a delegation left 
for Washington. 

I cite this experience of mine because it was typical. Every 
one who went through the country telling the story had similar 
experiences at this time. Indignation was swift and hot. Our 
mass meetings everywhere became meetings of protest during 
the entire campaign. 

And resolutions of protest which always went immediately 
by wire from such meetings to the President, his cabinet and to 
his leaders in Congress, of course created increasing uneasiness 
in Democratic circles. 

On August 15th the pickets again attempted to take their 
posts on the line. 

On this day one lettered banner and fifty purple, white and 
gold flags were destroyed by a mob led by sailors in uniform. 
Alice Paul was knocked down three times by a sailor in uni- 
form and dragged the width of the White House sidewalk in 
his frenzied attempt to tear off her suffrage sash. 

Miss Katharine Morey of Boston was also knocked to the 
pavement by a sailor, who took her flag and then darted off 
into the crowd. Miss Elizabeth Stuyvesant was struck by a 
soldier in uniform and her blouse torn from her body. Mies 
Maud Jamison of Virginia was knocked down and dragged 
along the sidewalk. Miss Beulah Amidon of North Dakota was 
knocked down by a sailor. 



In the midst of these riotous scenes, a well-known Wash- 
ington correspondent was emerging from the White House, 
after an interview with the President. Dr. Gary Grayson, the 
President's physician, accompanying him to the door, advised: 

"You had b<?tter go out the side entrance. Those damned 
vomen are in the front," 

In spite of this advice the correspondent made his exit 
through the same gate by which he had enttred, and just in 
time to ward off an attack by a sailor on one of the frailest 
girls in the group, 

The Administration, in its desperation, ordered the police 
to lawlessness. On August 16th, fifty pohcemen led the mob 
in attacking the women. Hands were bruised and arms twisted 
by police officers and plainclothes men. Two civilians who tried 
to rescue the women from the attacks of the police were ar- 
rested. The police fell upon these young women with more 
brutality even than the mobs they had before encouraged. 
Twenty-five lettered banners and 123 Party flags were de- 
stroyed by mobs and police on this afternoon. 

As the crowd grew more dense, the police temporarily re- 
tired from the attack. When their activities had summoned a 
sufficiently large and infuriated mob, they would rest. 

And so the passions of the mob continued unchecked upon 
these irrepressible women, and from day to day the Administra- 
tion gave its orders. 

Finding that riots and mob attacks had not terrorized the 
pickets, the Administration decided again to arrest the women 
in the hope of ending the agitation. Having lost public sym- 
pathy through workhouse sentences, having won it back by 
pardoning the women, the Administration felt it couli afford 
to risk losing it again, or rather felt that it had supplied itself 
with an appropriate amount of stage-setting. 

And so on the third day of the riotous attacks, when it waa 
dear that the pickets would persist, the Chief of Police called 


at headquarters to aonounce to Miss Paul that "ordere 
been changed and henceforth women carrjnng banners will be 

Meanwhile the pickets heard officers shout to civilian friends 
B8 they passed — "Come back at four o'clock." 

Members of t!ie daily mob announced at the noon hour in 
various nearby restaurants that "the sulFs will be arrested 
to-day at 4 o'clock." 

Four o'clock is the hour tlie Government clerks begin to 

I swarm homewards. The choice of tliis hour by the police to 

arrest the women would enable them to have a large crowd 

passing the White House gates to lend color to the fiction that 

"pickets were blocking the traffic." 

Throughout the earlier part of the afternoon the Silent 
I fentinels stood unmolested, carrying these mottoes : 




w uie moos 

^m Nothing 

The Government orders our bavnees destroyed 
because they tei.l the truth. 

At four o'clock the threatened arrests took place. The 
' women arrested were Miss Lavinia Dock of Pennsylvania, Miss 
Edna Dison of Washington, D. C, a young public school 
teacher; Miss Natalie Gray of Colorado, Mrs. Wm. Upton 
Watson and Miss Lucy Ewing of Chicago, and Miss Catherine 
Flanagan of Connecticut, 

Exactly forty minutes were allowed for the trial of these six 
women. One police officer testified that they were "obstructing 

None of the facts of the hideous and cruel manhandling hy 
the mobs and police officers was allowed to be brought out. 
Nothing the women could say mattered. The judge pro- 


nonnced: "Thirty days in Occoquan workhouse in lieu of ft 1 
$10.00 fine."* 

And so this little handful of women, practically all of them 
tiny and frail of physique, began the cruel sentence of 30 days 
in the workhouse, while their cowardly assailants were not even 
reprimanded, nor were those who destroyed over a thousand 
dollars' worth of banners apprehended. 

The riots had attracted sufficient attention to cause some 
anxiety in Administration circles. Protests against us and 
others against the rioters pressed upon them. Congress was 
proToked into a little activity; activity which reflected some 
doabi MS to the wisdom of arresting women without some war- 
rant in law. 

Two attempts were made, neither oF which was successful* 
to give the Administration more power and more law. \ 

Senator Culberson of Texas, Democrat, offered a bill 
authorizing President Wilson at any time to prohibit any 
person from approaching or entering any place — in short a 
blanket authority granting the President or his officials limit- 
less power over the actions of human beings. Realizing that 
this could be used to proliibit picketing the White House we 
appeared before a committee hearing on the bill and spoke 
against it. The committee did not have the boldness to report 
such a biU. 

Senator Myers of Montana, an influential member of the 
Democratic majority, introduced into the Senate a few days 
later a resolution making it illegal to picket the White House. 
The ahamelessness of admitting to tlic world that acts for 
which women had been repeatedly sentenced to jail, and for 
which women were at that moment lying in prison, were so 
legal as to make necessary a special act of Congress against 
them, was appalling. Tlie Administration policy seemed to be 
"Let us put women in jail first — let us enact a law to keep 
them there afterwards.'* 




This tilt between Senator Brandegee, of Connecticut, anti- 
suffrage Republican, and Senator Mj-crs, suffrage Democrat, 
took place when Mr. Myers presented his bill: 

Mb. B&amdkgee: . . . Was there any defect in the legal 
proceedings by wliich these trouble makers were sentenced and 
put in jail a few weeks ago? 

Mr. Myers: None that I know of. I am not in a position 
to pass upon that. I do not believe any was claimed. , , . 

Mr. Beandegee: Inasmuch as the law was sufficient to 
land tbem in jail ... I fail to see why additional legislation 
is necessary on the subject. 

Mk, Myers: There seems to be a doubt in the mind of 
Bome whether the present law is sufficient and I think it ought 
to be put beyond doubt. I think . . . the laws are not strin- 
gent or severe enough. . . . 

Mb. Bbandegee: Tliey were stringent enough to land the 
malefactors in jail. . . . 

In spite of Senator Myers' impassioned appeal to his col- 
leagues, he was unable to command any support for his bill. 
I quote this from his speech in the Senate August 18, 1917: 

Me. Myers: Mr. President, I wish to say a few words 
about the bill I have just introduced. It is intended for the 
enactment of better and more adequate legislation to prevent 
the infamous, outrageous, scandalous, and, I think, almost 
treasonable actions that have been going on around the White 
House for months past, which have been a gross insult to the 
President of the United States and to the people of the United 
States; I mean the so-called picketing of the White House. 
. . . These disgusting proceedings have been going on for 
months, and if there is no adequate law to stop them, I think 
there ought to be. 

"I believe the President, in the generosity of his heart, 
erred when he pardoned some of the women who have been 
conducting these proceedings, after they had been sentenced to 


60 days in the workhouse. I believe thej deserved the sentence, 
and they ought to have been compelled to serve it. . . . 

"I tor one am not satisfied longer to sit here idly day bj 
day and sulnnit to having the President of the United States 
insulted with impunity before the people of the country and 
before all the world. It is a shame and reproach, 

"I hope this bill . . . will receive careful consideration and 
that it may be enacted into law and may be found an adequate 
preventive and punishment for such conduct." 

This hill, which died a well-doseired death, is so amusing as 
to warrant reproduction. Although lamenting our comparison 
between the President and the Kaiser, it will be seen that Sen- 
ator Myers brought forth a thorougldy Prussian document : 


Ilir the better protection and enforcement of peace and order 
and the public welfare in the District of Columbia. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and Home of Re present ativet 
of the V-nited Slates of America in Congrets assembled. That 
when the United States shall be engaged in war it shall be 
unlawful for any person or persons to carry, hold, wave, ex- 
hibit, display, or have in his or her possession in any public 
road, highway, alley, street, thoroughfare, park, or other pub- 
lic place in the Di.strict of Columbia, any l>anncr, flag, 
streamer, sash, or other device having thereon any words or 
language with reference to the President or the Vice President 
of the United States, or any words or language with reference 
to the Constitution of the United States, or the right of suf- 
frage, or right of citizenship, or any words or language with 
reference to the duties of any executive official or department 
of the United States, or with reference to any proposed amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States, or with refei^ 
ence to any law or proposed law of the United States, cal- 
culated to bring the President of the Umted States or the 
Government of the United States into contempt, or which may 
tend to cause confusion, or excitement, or obstruction of the 
streets or sidewalks thereof, or any passage in any public place. 


Sec. X. That any person committing any foregoing de- 
scribed offense shall, upon conviction thereof, for each offense 
be fined not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or impris- 
oned not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by 
both such fine and imprisonaicnt. 

Voices were raised in our behalf, also, and among than 
J note the following letter written to Major Pullman by Gilson 
Gardner: ^ 

Mr, Ra3m9ond Pullmaa, . 

Chief of Police, 

Washington, D. C. 
My dear Pullman, — 

I am writing as an old friend to urge you to get right in 
this matter of arresting the suffrage pickets. Of course the 
only way for you to get right is to resign. It has apparently 
become Impossible for you to stay in office and do your duty. 
The alternative is obvious. 

You must see, Pullman, that you cannot be right in what 
you have done in this matter. You have given the pickets 
adequate protection ; but you have arrested them and had them 
sent to jail and the workhouse; you have permitted the crowd 
to mob them, and then you have had your officers do much the 
same thing by forcibly taking their banners from them. In 
some of the actions you must have been wrong. If it was right 
to give them protection and let them stand at the Wliite House 
for five months, both before and after the war, it was not 
right to do what you did later. 

You say that it was not right when you were '^enient" and 
gave them protection. You cannot mean that. The Tightness 
or wrongness must be a matter of law, not of personal discre- 
tion, and for you to attempt to substitute jour discretion is 
to set up a little autocracy in place of the settled laws of the 
land. This would justify a charge of "Kaiserism" right here 
in our capital city. 

The truth is, Pullman, you were right when you gave these 

women protection. That is what the police are for. When 

•The distinguished journalist who went to Africa to meet Theodore 

Roosevelt and accompanied him on Ills return journey to America. 


there are riots they are supposed to quell them, not by quuU- 
ing the "proximate cause," but by quelling the rioters. 

I know your police officers now quite well and know that 
they are most happy when they are permitted to do their duty. 
They did not like the dirty business of permitting a lot of 
sailors and street rifralT to rough the girls. All that went 
against the grain, but when you let them protect the pickets, 
as you did March third, when a thousand women marched 
around and around the White House, the officers were as con- 
tented as they were efficient, 

Washington has a good police force and there has never 
been a minute when they could not have scattered any group 
gathered at the White Houst gates and given perfect protec- 
tion to the women standing there. 

You know why they did not do their duty. 

In excusing what you have done, you say that the women 
carried banners with "offensive" inscriptions on them. You 
refer to the fact that they have addressed the President as 
"Kaiser Wilson," As a matter of fact not an arrest you have 
made — and the arrests now number more than sixty — has been 
for carrying one of those "offensive" banners. The women 
were carrying merely the suffrage colors or quotations from 
President Wilson's writings. 

But, suppose the banners were offensive. Who made you 
censor of banners? Tlie law gives you no such power. Even 
when you go through the farce of a police court trial the 
charge is "obstructing traffic"; which shows conclusively that 
you are not willing to go into court on the real issue. 

No. As Chief of Police you have no more right to com- 
plain of the sentiments of a banner than you have of the senti- 
ments in an editorial in the Washington Post, and you have 
no more right to arrest tJie banner-hearer than you have to 
arrest the owner of the Washington Post. . . . Congress re- 
fused to pass a press censorship law. There are certain linger- 
ing traditions to the effect that a people's liberties are closely 
bound up with the right to talk things out and those who arc 
enlightened know that the only proper answer to words is 
words. When force is opposed to words there is ground for 
the charge of "Kaiserism." . . . 

There was just one thing for you to have done, Pullman, 






and that was to give full and adequate protection to these 
women, no matter what banners tliey carried or what ideas 
their banners expressed. If there is any law that can be in- 
voked against the wording of the banners it was the business of 
others in the government to start the legal machinery which 
woiJd abate tliem. It was not lawful to abate them by mob 
violence, or by arrests. And if those in authority over you 
were not willing that you thus do your duty, it was up to you 
to resign. 

After all it would not be such a terrible thing, Pullman, 
for you to give up being Chief of Police, particularly tthen 
you are not permitted to be chief of police, but mutt yidd 
your judgment to the district commtssionert who have yielded 
their judgment to the White House. Being Chief of Police 
under such circumstances can hardly be worth while. You are 
a young man and the world is full of places for young men 
with courage enough to save their self-respect at the expense 
of their jobs. You did that once,— back in the Ballinger-Pin- 
chot days. Why not now? 

Come out and help make the fight which must be made to 
recover and protect the liberties which are being filched from 
us here at home. There is a real fight looming up for real 
democracy. You will not be alone. There are a lot of fine 
young men, vigorous and patriotic, in and out of the Adminis- 
tration who are preparing for this fight. Yours will not be the 
only resignation. But why not be among the first? Don't 
wait. Let them have your resignation now and let me be 
the first to welcome and congratulate you. 

(Signed) GiLsoN Gahdses. 

Representative John Baer of North Dakota, having wit- 
nessed for himself the riotous scenes, immediately introduced 
into the House a resolution ' demanding an investigation of 
conditions in the Capital which permitted mobs to attack 
women. This, too, went to certain death. Between the mem- 
bers who did not dare denounce the Administration and the 
others who did dare denounce the women, we had to stand quite 
' See Appendix 3 for full test of resolution. 


soHcDy on our owp program, and do our best to keep them 
nervous over the next step in the a^t&tion, 

Tiie prtss throughout the entire country at this time pro- 
tested against mob violence and the severe sentences pronounced 
upon the women who had attempted to hold their banners 

The Washington (D. C.) Herald, August 19, printed the 
following editorial : 

There is an echo of the President's phrase about the **6rm 
band of stem repression" in the arrest, conviction and jailing 
of the six suffragists; a touch of ruthiessness in their incarcer- 
ation at Occoquan along with women of the street, pickpockets 
and other flotsam and jetsam. Still, the suffragists are not 
looking for sympathjj and it need not be wasted upon them. 

The police have arrived at a policy, although no one knows 
whether it will be sufficiently stable and consistent to last out 
the week. . . . Washington is grateful that the disgraceful 
period of rioting and mob violence in front of the White House 
ia at an end, and another crisis in the militant crusade to bring 
the Susan B. Anthony amendment before Congress has been 

What is the next step? No one knows. Picketing doubt- 
less will continue, or an effort will be made to continue it; and 
militancy, if the police continue to arrest, instead of giving 
the women protection, will pass into a new phase. The suffra- 
gists as well as the public at large are thankful that the police 
department has finally determined to arrest the pickets, instead 
of allowing them to be mobbed by hoodlums. 

. . . The public eye will be on Occoquan for the nest few 
weeks, to find out how those women bear up under the Spartan 
treatment that is in store for them. If they have deliberately 
■ought martyrdom, as some critics have been unkind enough to 
suggest, they have it now. And if their campaign, in the 
Opinion of perhaps the great majority of the public, has been 
misguided, admiration for their pluck will not be withheld. 

lie Boston Journal of August SO, 1917, said in an editorial 
writteo by Herbert N. Pinkham, Jr. : 


That higher authorities than the Washington police were 
responsible for the amazing policy of rougii house employed 
against the suffrage pickets has been suspected from the very 
beginning. Police power in Washington is sufEcient to project 
a handful of women against a whole phalanx of excited or 
inspired government clerks and uniformed hoodlums, if that 
power were used. 

... In our nation's capital, women have been knocked 
down and dragged through tlie streets by government em- 
ployees — including sailors in uniform. The police are strangely 
absent at such moments, as a rule, and arrive only in time to 
arrest a few women. . . . 

Perhaps the inscriptions on the suffrage banners were not 
tactful. It is sometimes awkward indeed to quote the Presi- 
dent's speeches after the speeches have "grown cold." Also a 
too vigorous use of the word "democracy" is distasteful to 
some government dignitaries, it seems. But right or wrong, 
the suffragists at Washington are entitled to police protection, 
even though in the minds of the Administration they are not 
entitled to the ballot. 

Perhaps, even in America, we must have a law forbidding 
people to carry banners demanding what they consider their 
political rights. Such a law would, of course, prohibit political 
parades of all kinds, public mass meetings and other demon- 
strations of one set of opinions against another set. Such a 
law has been proposed by Senator Myers of Montana, the 
author of the latest censorship and anti-free speech bill. It 
may be necessary to pass the law, if it is also necessary that 
the public voice be stilled and the nation become dumb and 

But until there is such a law . . . people must be pro- 
tected while their actions remain within the law. If their 
opinions differ from ours, we must refrain from smashing their 
faces, if a certain number of people believe that they have the 
right to vote we may either grant their claim or turn them 
sadly away, but we may not roll them into the gutter ; if they 
see fit to tell us our professions of democracy are empty, we 
may smile sorrowfully and murmur a prayer for their igno- 
rance but we may not pelt them with rotten eggs and fire a 
shot through the window of their dwelling; if, denied a properly 

digniRed hearing, they insist upon walking through the streets 
with printed words on a saucy banner, we may be amazed at 
their zeal and pitiful of their bad taste, but even for the sake 
of keeping their accusations out of sight of our foreign visitors 
(whom we have trained to believe us perfect) we may not send 
them to jail. . . . 

AU this suffrage shouting in Washington has as its single 
object the attainment of President Wilson's material support 
for equal suffrage. . . . 

President Wilson's word would carry the question into 
Congress. . . . 

Would there be any harm in letting Congress vote on a 
suffrage resolution? That would end the disturbance and it 
would make our shield of national justice somewhat brighter. 

It looks like President Wilson's move- 
Between these opposing currents of protest and support, 
the Administration drifted helplessly. Unwilling to pass the 
amendment, it continued to send women to prison. 

On the afternoon of September 4th, President Wilson led 
his first contingent of drafted "soldiers of freedom" down 
Pennsylvania Avenue in gala parade, on the first lap of their 
journey to the battlefields of France. On the same afternoon 
a slender line of women — also "soldiers of freedom" — attempted 
to inarch in Washington. 

As they attempted to take up their posts, two by two, in 
front of the Reviewing Stand, opposite the White House, they 
were gathered in and swept away by the police like common 
street criminals — their golden banners scarcely Sung to the 

Mb, President, How Long Must Women Be De- 
hud A Voice in a Government Which is Con- 


was the offensive question on the first banner carried by Misa 
Eleanor Calnan of Massachusetts and Miss Edith Ainge of 
New York. 



The Avenue was roped off on account of the parade. There 
was hardly any one passing at the time; all traffic had been 
temporarily suspended, so there was none to obstruct. But 
the Administration's policy must go on. A few moments and 
Miss Lucy Branham of Maryland and Mrs. Pauline Adams of 
Virginia marched down the Avenue, their gay banners waving 
joyously in the autumn sun, to fill up the gap of the two com- 
rades who had been arrested. They, too, were shoved into the 
police automobile, their banners still high and appealing, sil- 
houetted against the sky as they were hurried to the police 

The third pair of pickets managed to cross the Avenue, 
but were arrested immediately they reached the curb. Still 
others advanced. The crowd began to line the ropes and to 
watch eagerly the line of women indomitably coming, two by 
two, into the face of certain arrest. A fourth detachment was 
arrested in the middle of the Avenue on the trolley tracks. But 
still they came. 

A few days later more women were sent to the workhouse 
for carrying to the picket line this question : 

"Presid'^nt Wilson, what did you mean when you said: 
*We have seen a good many singular things happen recently. 
We have been told there is a deep disgrace resting upon the 
origin of this nation. The nation originated in the sharpest 
sort of criticism of public policy. We originated, to put it in 
the vernacular, in a kick, and if it bo unpatriotic to kick, why 
then the grown man is unlike the child. We have forgotten the 
very principle of our origin if we have forgotten how to object, 
how to resist, how to agitate, how to pull down and build up, 
even to the extent of revolutionary practices, if it be necessary 
to readjust matters, I have forgotten my history if that be 
not true history.' " 

The Administration had not yet abandoned hope of remov- 
ing the pickets. They persisted in their policy of arrests and 
longer imprisonments. 


DURING all this time the suffrage prisoners were entftii^ 
ing the miserable and petty tyranny of the government 
workhouse at Occoquan. They were kept absolutely 
incorrununicado. They were not allowed to see even their near- 
est relatives, shoiJd any be within reach, until they had been 
in the institution two weeks. 

Each prisoner was allowed to write one outgoing letter a 
month, which, after being read by the warden, could be sent or 
withheld at his whim. 

All incoming mail and telegrams were also censored by the 
Superintendent and practically all of them denied the prison- 
ers. Superintendent Whittaker openly boasted of holding up 
the suffragists' mail; "I am boss down here," he said to 
visitors who asked to see the prisoners, or to send in a. note. 
"I consider the letters and telegrams these prisoners get are 
treasonable. They cannot have them." He referred to met- 
sages commending the women for choosing prison to silence, 
and bidding them stand steadfast to their program. 

Of course all this was done in the hope of intimidating not 
only the prisoners, but also those who came wanting to see 

It was the intention of the women to abide as far as possible 
by the routine of the institution, disagreeable and unreasonable 
as it was. They performed the tasks assigned to them. They 
ate the prison food without protest. They wore the coarse 
prison clothes. But at the end of the first week of detention 


they became so weak from the shockingly bad food that they 
began to wonder if they could endure such a system. The petty 
tyratuiies they could endure. But the inevitable result of a diet 
of sour bread, half-cooked vegetables, rancid soup with worms 
in it, was serious. 

Finally tlie true condition of affairs trickled to the outside 
world through the devious routes of prison messengers. 

Senator J, Hamilton Lewis, of Illinois, Democratic whip m 
the Senate, heard alarming reports of two of his constituents. 
Miss Lucy Ewing, daughter of Judge Ewing, niece of Adlai 
Stevenson, Vice-President in Cleveland's Administration, niece 
of James Ewing, minister to Belgium in the same Administra- 
tion, and Mrs. William Upton Watson of Chicago. He made 
a hurried trip to the workhouse to see them. The fastidious 
Senator was shocked — shocked at the appearance of the pris- 
oners, shocked at the tale they told, shocked that "ladies" 
should be subjected to such indignities. "In all ray years of 
criminal practice," said the Senator to Gilson Gardner, who had 
accompanied him to the workhouse, "I have never seen pris- 
oners so badly treated, either before or after conviction." He 
is a gallant gentleman who would be expected to be uncomfort- 
able when he actually saw ladies suffer. It was more than 
gallantry in this instance, however, for he spoke in frank con- 
demnation of the whole "shame and outrage" of the thing. 

It is possible that he reported to other Administration offi- 
cials what he had learned during his visit to the workhouse for 
Tcry soon afterwards it was announced that an investigation 
of conditions in the workhouse would be held. That was, of 
course, an admirable manoeuvre which the Administration could 
make. "Is the President not a kind man? He pardoned some 
women. Now he investigates the conditions under which others 
are imprisoned. Even though they are lawless women, he wishes 
them well treated." 

It would sound "noble" to thousands. 


Immediately the District Commissioners announced this in- 
vestigation. Miss Lucy Bums, acting on behalf of the National 
Woman's Party, sent a letter to Commissioner Brownlow. After 
summing up the food situation Miss Burns wrote: 

When our friends were sent to prison, they expected the 
food would be extremely plain, but they also expected that 
, . . enough eatable food would be given them to maintain 
them in their ordinary state of health. This has not been the 

The testimony of one of the prisoners, Miss Lavinia Dock, 
a trained nurse, is extremely valuable on the question of food 
supplied at Occoquan. Misa Dock is Secretary of the Ameri- 
can Federation of NSirses. She has had a distinguished career 
in her profession. She assisted in the work after the Johns- 
town flood and during the yellow fever epidemic in Florida. 
During the Spanish war she organized the Red Cross work 
with Clara Barton. 'I really thought,' said Miss Dock, when 
I last saw her, 'that I could eat everything, but here I have 
hard work choking down enough food to keep the life in me.' 

I am sure you will agree with me that these conditions 
should be instantly remedied. When these and other prisoners 
were sentenced to prison they were sentenced to detention and 
not to starvation or semi-starvation. 

The hygienic conditions have been improved at Occoquan 
since a. group of suffragists were imprisoned there. But they 
are still bad. The water they drink is kept in an open pail, 
from which it is ladled into a driiiking cup. The prisoners 
frequently dip the drinking cup directly into the pail. 

The same piece of soap is used for every prisoner. As 
the prisoners in Occoquan are sometimes seriously afflicted with 
disease, this practice is appallingly negligent. 

Concerning the general conditions of the person, I am 
enclosing with this letter, affidavit of Mrs. Virginia Bovee, sn 
ex-ofBcer of the workhouse. . . . The prisoners for whom I 
am counsel are aware that cruel practices go on at Occoquan. 
On one occasion they heard Superintendent Whittaker kicking 
a woman in the next room. They heard Whittaker'a voice, 
the aound of blows, and the woman's cries. 

L " 



I lay these facts before you with the knowledge that jou 
will be glad to have the fullest possible information given you 
concerning the institution for whose administration you as 
CommisHioner of the District of Columbia are responsible. 
Very respectfully yours, 

(Signed) Lucy Buknb, 

Mrs. Bovee, a matron, was discharged from the workhouse 
because she tried to be kind to the suffrage prisoners. She also 
gave them warnings to guide them past the possible contami- 
nation of hideous diseases. As soon as she was discharged from 
the workhouse she went to the headquarters of the Woman's 
Party and volunteered to make an affidavit. The affidavit of 
Mrs. Bovee follows : 

I was discharged yesterday as an officer of Occoquan work- 
house. For eight months I acted as night officer, with no 
complaint as to my performance of my duties. Yesterday 
Superintendent Whittaker told me I was discharged and gave 
me two hours in which to get out, I demanded the charges 
from the matron, Mrs. Hemdon, and I was told that it was 
owing to something that Senator Lewis has said. 

I am well acquainted with the conditions at Occoquan. I 
have had charge of all the suffragist prisoners who have been 
there. I know that their mail has been withheld from them. 
Mrs. Hemdon, the matron, reads the mail, and often discussed 
it with us at the officers' table. She said of a letter sent to one 
of the suffragist pickets now in the workhouse, "They told her 
to keep her eyes open and notice everything. She will never 
get that letter," said Mrs, Hemdon. Then she corrected her- 
self, and added, "Not until she goes away." Ordinarily the 
mail not given the prisoners is destroyed. The mail for the 
suffragists is saved for them until they are ready to go away, 
I have seen three of the women have one letter each, but that 
is all. The three were Mrs. Watson, Miss Ewing, and I think 
Miss Flanagan. 

The blankets now being used in the prison have been in use 
since December without being washed or cleaned. Blankets 
are washed once a year. Officers are warned not to touch any 


of the bedding. The one officer who handles it is compelled by 
the regulations to wear rubber gloves while she does so. The 
sheets for the ordinary prisoners are not changed completely, 
even when one is gone and another takes her bed. Instead 
the top sheet is put on the bottom, and one fresh sheet is 
given them. I was not there when these suffragists arrived, 
and I do not know how their bedding was arranged. I doubt 
whether the authorities would have dared to give them one 
soiled sheet. 

The prisoners with disease are not always isolated, by any 
means. In the colored dormitory there are two women in the 
advanced stages of consumption. Women suffering from 
syphilis, who have open sores, are put in the hospital. But 
those whose sores are temporarily healed are put in the same 
dormitory with the others. There have been several such in 
my dormitory. 

When tiie prisoners come they must undress and take a 
shower bath. For this tliey take a piece of soap from a bucket 
in the store room. When they are finished the^ throw the soap 
back in the bucket. The suffragists are permitted three 
showers a week and have only these pieces of soap which are 
common to all inmates. There is no soap at all in wash rooms. 

Tlie beans, hominy, rice, commeal (which is exceedingly 
coarse, like chicken feed) and cereal have all had worms in 
them. Sometimes the worms float on top of the soup. Often 
they are found in the cornbread. The first suffragists sent 
the worms to Whittaker on a spoon. On the farm is a fine 
herd of Holstoins. The cream is made into butter and sold to 
the tuberculosis hospital in Washington. At the officers' table 
we have very good milk. The prisoners do not have any butter 
or sugar, and no milk except by order of the doctor. 

Prisoners are punished by being put on bread or water, or 
by being beaten. I know of one girl who has been kept seven- 
teen days on only water this month in the "booby house." The 
same was kept nineteen days on water last year because she 
beat Superintendent \Vliittakcr when he tried to beat her. 

Superintendent Whittaker or his son arc the only ones who 
beat the girls. Officers are not allowed to lay a hand on them 
in punishment. I know of one girl beaten until the blood had 
to be scrubbed from her clothing and from the floor of the 

' 146 


"booby house." I have never actually seen a giri beaten, but 
I have seen her afterwards and I have heard the cries and 
blows. Dorothy Warfield was beaten and the suflfragists heard 
the beating. 

(Signed) Mbs. ViBGiiJiA Bov££. 

Subicribed and tvom to before 
me thii day of Augutt, 1917. 

Joseph H. Batt, Notary Public. 

While the Administration was planning an investigation of 
the conditions in the workhouse, which made it difficult for 
women to sustain healtli through a thirty day sentence, it was, 
through its police court, sentencing more women to lurty day 
lentencet, under the same conditions. The Administration was 
^ving some thought to its plan of procedure, but not enough 
to master the simple fact that women would not stop going to 
prison until sometliing had been done which promised passage 
of the amendment through Congress. 

New forms of intimidation and hardship were offered hy 
Superintendent Wliittaker. 

Mrs. Frederick Kendall of Buffalo, New York, a frail and 
highly sensitive woman, was put in a "punishment cell" on bread 
and water, under a charge of "impudence," Mrs. Kendall saya 
that her impudence consisted of "protesting to the matron that 
scrubbing floors on my hands and knees was too severe work for 
me as I had been unable for days to eat the prison food. My 
impudence further consisted in asking for lighter work." 

Mrs. Kendall was refused the clean clothing she should have 
had the day she was put in solitary confinement and was thus 
forced to wear the same clothing eleven days. She was refused 
a nightdress or clean linen for the cot. Her only toilet accom- 
modations was an open pail. For four days she was allowed no 
water for toilet purposes. Her diet consisted of three thin 
slices of bread and three cups of water, carried to her in a 


paper cup which frequently leaked out half the meagre supply 
before it got to Mrs. Kendall's cell. 

Representative and Mrs. Charles Bcnnet Smith, of Buffalo, 
frieuds of Mrs, Kendall, created a considerable disturbance 
nrhcn they learned of this cruel treatment, with the result that 
Mrs. Kendall was finally given clean clothing and taken from 
her confinement. When she walked from her cell to greet Mrs. 
Genevieve Clark Thompson, daughter of Champ Clark, Speaker 
of the House, and Miss Roberta Bradshaw, other friends, who, 
through the Speaker's influence, had obtained special permis- 
sion to see Mrs. Kendall, she fell in a dead faint. It was such 
shocking facts as these that the Commissioners and their inves- 
tigating board were vainly trying to keep from the country for 
the sake of the reputation of the Administration. 

For attempting to speak to Mrs, Kendall through her cell 
door, to inquire as to her health, while in solitary. Miss Lucj 
Bums was placed on a bread and water diet. 

Miss Jeanncttc Rankin of Montana, the only woman mem- 
ber of Congress, was moved by these and similar revelations to 
introduce a resolution ^ calling for a Congressional investiga- 
tion of the workhouse. 

Ilere were among the suffrage prisoners women of all 
shades of social opinion. 

The following letter by Miss Gvinter, the young Russian 
worker, was smuggled out of the workhouse. This appeal to 
Meyer London was rather pathetic, since not even he, the only 
Socialist member in Congress, stood up to denounce the treat- 
ment of the pickets. 

Comrade Meyer London : 

I am eight years in this movement, three and a half years 

a member of the Socialist Party, Branches 2 and 4 of the 

Bronx, and I have been an active member of the Waist Makers' 

Union since 1910, I am from New York, but am now in Balti- 

' For text of MUb Rankin's reeolution see Appendix 3. 



more, where I got acquainted with the comrades who asked me 
to picket the White House, and of course I expressed my will- 
ingness to liclp the movement. I am now in the workliouse. 
1 want to get out and help in the work as I am more revolu- 
tionary than tlie Woman's Party, yet conditions here are so 
bad that I feel I must stay here and help women get their 
rights. We are enslaved here. I am suffering very much from 
hunger and nearly blind from bad nourishment. The food is 
chiefly soup, cereal with worms, bread just baked and very 
heavy. Even this poor food, we do not get enough. I do not 
eat meat. When I told the doctor that he said, "You must 
eat, and if you don't like it here, you go and tell the judge 
you won't picket any more, and then you can get out of here." 
But I told him that I could not go against my principles and 
mj belief. He asked, "Do you believe you should break the 
law?" I replied, "I have picketed whenever I had a chance 
for eight years and have never broken the law. Picketing is 

Please come here as quickly as possible, as we need your 

Will you give the information in this letter to the news- 

Please pardon this scrap of paper as I have nothing else to 
write on. I would write to other comrades, to Hillquit or 
Paulsen, but you are in the Congress and can do more. 
Yours for the Cause, 

(Signed) Ansa Gvintee. 

OccoauAN Workhouse, Friday, Sept. 21. 

Miss Gvinter swore to an affidavit when she came out in 
which she said in part : 

. . . The days that we had to stand on scaffolds and lad- 
ders to paint the dormitories, I was so weak from lack of food 
I was dizzy and in constant danger of falling. 

. . . When they told me to scrub the floors of the lava- 
toriet I refused, because 1 have to work for my living and 
I could not afford to get any of the awful diseases that women 
down there have. 

I obeyed all the rules of the institution. The only times 
I stopped working was because I was too sick to work. 

(Signed) Anna Gvimteb. 

Sworn to before me and subscribed in my presence thia 
[ 18tfa day of October, 1917. 

^^^^^ (Signed) C. Labimobe Keelet, 

^^H Notary Public, D. C. 

^^^^Half a hundred women was the government's toll for one 
month. Continuous arrests kept the issue hot and kept people 
who cared in constant protest. It is impossible to give space 
to the countless beautiful messages which were sent to the wo- 
men, or the fervent protests which went to government officials. 
Among the hundreds of thousands of protests was a valuable 
one by Dr. Harvey Wiley, the celebrated food expert, in a 
letter to Dr. George M. Kober, member of the Board in control 
of the jail and workhouse, and a well-known sanitarian. Dr. 
WDey wrote : 

November 3, 1917. 
Dear Dr. Kober: 

I am personally acquainted with many of the women who 
have been confined at Occoquan, and at the District jail, and 
have heard from their own lips an account of the nutrition 
and sanitary conditions prevailing at both places. 

I, therefore, feel constrained to make known to you the 
conditions, as they have been told to me, and as I believe them 
actually to exist. 

As I understand it, there is no purpose in penal servitude 
of lowering the vitality of the prisoner, or in inviting disease. 
Yet both of these conditions prevail both at Occoquan and at 
the District jaO. First of all, the food question. The diet 
fomished the prisoners at Occoquan especially is of a char- 
acter to invite all kinds of infections that may prevail, and to 
lower the vitality so that the resistance to disease is dimin- 
ished. I have fortunately come into possession of samples of 
the food actually given to these women. I have kept samples 
of the milk religiously for over two weeks to see if I could 



detect the least particle of fat, and have been unable to per- 
ceive any. The fat of milk is universally recognized by dieti- 
cians as its most important nutritive character. I understand 
that a dairy is kept on the farm at Occoquan, and yet it is 
perfectly certain that no whole milk is served or ever has been 
served to one of t!ie so-called "picketera" in that jail. I have 
not had enough of the sample to make a chemical analysis, but 
being somewhat experienced in milk, I can truthfully say that 
it seems to me to be watered skimmed milk. I also have a 
sample of the pea soup sened. The pea grains are coarsely 
broken, often more than half of a pea being served in one 
piece. They never have been cooked, but arc in a perfectly 
raw state, and found to be inedible by the prisoners. 

I have also samples of the com bread which is most un- 
attractive and rcpellant to the eye and to the taste. All of 
these witnesses say that the white bread apparently is of good 
quaUty, but the diet in every case is the cause of constipation, 
except in the case of pea soup, which brings on diarrhcea and 
vomiting. As nutrition is the very foundation of sanitation, 
I wish to call to your special attention, as a sanitarian, the 
totally inadequate sustenance given to these prisoners. 

The food at the county jail at Washington is much better 
than the food at Occoquan, but still bad enough. This in- 
creased excellence of food is set off by the miserable ventilation 
of the cells, in which these noble women are kept in solitary 
confinement. Not only have they had a struggle to get the 
windows open slightly, but also at the time of their morning 
meal, the sweeping is done. The air of tlie cells is filled with 
dust and they try to cover their coffee and other food with 
such articles as they can find to keep the dust out of their 
food. Better conditions for promoting tuberculosis could not 
be found. 

I appeal to you as a well-known sanitarian to get the 
Board of Charities to make such rules and regulations as 
would secure to prisoners of all kinds, and especially to politi- 
cal prisoners, as humane an environment as possible. 

I also desire to ask that the Board of Charities would 
authorize me to make inspections of food furnished to prison- 
ers at Occoquan and at the District Jail, and to have physical 
and chemical analysis made without expense to the Board, in 


Habvbt Wilxt. 

This striking telegram from Richard Bennett, the distin- 
goished actor, must have arrested the attentiOD of the Adminis- 

September M, 1917. 
Hon. Newton Baker, 
Secretary of War, 
War Department, 
Washington, D. C. 

I have been asked to go to France personally, with the 
film of "Damaged Goods," as head of a lecture corps to the 
American army. On reliable authority I am told that Ameri- 
can women, because they have dared demand their political 
freedom, are held in vile conditions in the Government work- 
house in Washington ; are compelled to paint the negro toilets 
for eight hours a day; are denied decent food and denied com- 
munication with counsel. Why should 1 work for democracy 
in Europe when our American women are denied democracy at 
homeP If I am to fight for social hygiene in France, why not 
begin at Occoquan workhouse? 

RiCHAXD Bennett. 

Mr. Bennett never received a reply to this message. 

Oiarming companionships grew up in prison. Ingenuity at 
lifting the dull monotony of imprisonment brought to light 
many talents for camaraderie which amused not only the suf- 
frage prisoners but the "regulars." Locked in separate cells, 
as in the District Jail, the suffragists could still communicate 
by Bong. The following lively doggerel to the tune of "Captain 
Kidd" was sung in chorus to the accompaniment of a hair comb. 
It became a saga. Each day a new verse was added, relating 
the day's particular controversy with the prison authorities. 


We worried Woody-wood, 

As we stood, as wc stood, 

We worried Woody-wood, 

As we stood. 

We worried Woody- wood. 

And we worried him right good; 

We worried him right good as we stood. 

We asked him for the vote, 

As we stood, as wc stood, 

We asked him for the vote 

As we stood. 

We asked him for the vote, 

But he'd rather write s note. 

He'd rather write a note — so we stood. 

We'll not get out on bail, 

Go to jail, go to jail — 

We'll not get out on bail. 

We prefer to go to jail, 

We prefer to go to jail — we're not frail. 

We asked them for a brush, 

For our teeth, for our teeth, 

We asked them for a brush 

For our teeth. 

We asked them for a brush. 

They said, "There ain't no rush," 

They said, "There ain't no rush — dam your teeth," 

We asked them for some air. 

As we choked, as we choked, 

We asked them for some air 

As we choked. 

We asked them for some air 

And they threw us in a lair, 

They threw us in a lair, so we choked. 


We asked them for our nightie, 

As we froze, as we froze, 

We asked them for our nightie 

As we froze. 

We asked them for our nightie, 

And they looked — hightie-tightie — 

They looked hightie-tightie — so we froze. 

Now, ladies, take the hint, 

As ye stand, as ye stand, 

Now, ladies, take the hint. 

As ye stand. 

Now, ladies, take the hint. 

Don't quote the Presidint, 

Don't quote the Presidint, as ye stand. 

Humor predominated in the poems that came out of prison. 
There was never any word of tragedy. 

Not even an intolerable diet of raw salt pork, which by 
actual count of Miss Margaret Fotheringham, a teacher of 
Domestic Science and Dietetics, was served the suffragists tix- 
teen times in eighteen days, could break tlieir spirit of gayety. 
And when a piece of fish of unknown origin was slipped through 
the tiny opening in the cell door, and a specimen carefully pre- 
served for Dr. Wiley — who, by the way, was unable to classify 
it — they were more diverted than outraged. 

Sometimes it was a "prayer" which enlivened the evening 
hour before bedtime. Mary Winsor of Haverford, Pennsyl- 
vania, was the master prayer-maker. One night it was a Bap- 
tist prayer, another a Methodist, and still another a stem 
Presbyterian prayer. The prayers were most disconcerting to 
the matron for the "regulars" became almost hysterical with 
laughter, when they should be slipping into sleep. It was trying 
also to sit in the corridor and hear your daily cruelties nar- 
rated to God and punishment asked. This is what happened to 
the embarrassed warden and jail attendants if they came to 


Sometimes it was the beautiful voice of Vida Milholland 
which rang through the corridors of the dreary prison, with a 
stirring Irish ballad, a French love song, or the Woman's Mar- 

Again the prisoners would build a song, each calling out ' 
from cell to cell, and contributing a line. The following song 
to the tune of "Charlie Is My Darling" was so written and sung 
with Miss Lucy Branliam leading: 


Shout the revolution 

Of women, of women. 
Shout the revolution 

For liberty. 
Rise, glorious women of the earth, 

The voiceless and the free 
United strength assures the birth 

Of true democracy, 

Invincible our army, 

Forward, forward. 
Triumphant daughters pressing 

To victory. 

Shout the revolution 

Of women, of women, 
Shout tho revolution 

For liberty. 
Men's revolution bom in blood, 

But ours conceived in peace. 
We hold a banner for a sword, 

Till all oppression cease. 


Prison, death, defying, 

Onward, onward. 
Triumphant daughters pressing 

To victory. 



The gayetT '"^^ interspersed with sadness when the suf- 
fragists learned of new cruelties heaped upon the helpless ones, 
those who were without influence or friends. They learned of 
that barharous punishment known as "the greasy pole" used 
upon girl prisoners. This method of punishment consisted of 
strapping girls with their hands tied behind them to a greasy 
pole from which they were partly suspended. Unable to keep 
themselves in an upright position, because of the grease on the 
pole, they slipped almost to the floor, with their arms all but 
severed from the arm sockets, suffering intense pain for long 
periods of time. This cruel punishment was meted out to pris- 
oners for slight infractions of the prison rules. 

The suffrage prisoners learned also of the race hatred 
which the authorities encouraged. It was not infrequent that? 
the jail oflGcers sunmioned black girls to attack white women, if 
the latter disobeyed. This happened in one instance to the 
suffrage prisoners who were protesting against the warden's 
forcibly taking a suffragist from the workhouse without telling 
her or her comrades whither she was being taken. Black prls 
were called and commanded to physically attack the suffragists. 
TTie negresses, reluctant to do so, were goaded to deliver blows 
upon the women by the warden's threats of punishment. 

And as a result of our having been in prison, our head- 
quarters has never ceased being the mecca of many discouraged 
"inmates," when released. They come for money. They come 
for work. They come for spiritual encouragement to face life 
after the wrecking experience of imprisonment. Some regard 
us as "fellow prisoners." Others regard ua as "friends at 

Occasionally we meet a prison associate in the workaday 
world. Long after Mrs. Lawrence Lewis* imprisonment, when 
she was working on ratification of the amendment in Delaware, 
she was greeted warmly by a charming young woman who came 
forward at a meeting. "Don't you remember me?" she asked, as 





Mrs. Lewis struggled to recollect. "Don't you remember me? 
I met you in Washington." 

"I'm sorry but I seem to liave forgotten where I met you," 
said Mrs. Lewis apologetically. 

"In jail," came the answer hesitantly, whereupon Mrs. 
Lewis listened sympathetic ally while her fellow prisoner told 
ber that she hud been in jail at the time Mrs. Lewis was, that 
her crime was bigamy and that she was one of the traveling 
circus troupe then in Dover. 

''She brought up her husband, also a member of the circus," 
said Mrs. Lewis in telling of the incident, "and they both 
joined enthusiastically in a warm invitation to come and see 
them in the circus." 

As each group of suffragists was released an enthusiastic 
welcome was given to them at headquarters and at these times, 
in the midst of the warmth of approving and appreciative com- 
rades, some of the most beautiful speeches were delivered. I 
quote a part of Katharine Fisher's speech at a dinner in honor 
of released prisoners: 

Five of us who are with you to-night have recently come 
out from the workhouse into the world. A great change? 
Not so much of a change for women, disfranchised women. In 
prison or out, American women are not free. Our lot of 
physical freedom simply gives us and the public a new and 
vivid sense of what our lack of political freedom really means. 

Disfranchisement is the prison of women's power and spirit. 
Women have long been classed with criminals so far as their 
voting rights are concerned. And how quick the Government 
is to live up to its classification the minute women detenninodly 
insist upon these rights. Prison life epitomizes all life under 
undemocratic rule. At Occoquan, as at the Capitol and the 
White House, we faced hypocrisy, trickery and treachery on 
the part of those in power. And the constant appeal to us to 
"cooperate" with the workhouse authorities sounded wonder- 
fully like the exhortation addressed to all women to "support 
the Government." 


"Is that the law of the District of Columbia?" I asked 
Superintendent Whittaker concerning a statement he had 
made to me, "It is the law," he answered, "because it is the 
rule I make." The answer of Whittaker is the answer Wilson 
makes to women every time the Government, of which he is the 
head, enacts a law and at the same time continues to refuse to 
pass the Susan B. Anthony amendment. . . . 

We seem to-day to stand before you free, but I have no 
sense of freedom because I have left comrades at Occoquan 
and because other comrades may at any moment join them 
there. . . . 

While comrades are there what is our freedom? It is as 
empty as the so-called political freedom of women who have 
won suffrage by a state referendum. Like them we are free 
only within limits. . . , 

We must not let our voice be drowned by war trumpets or 
cannon. If we do, we shall find ourselves, when the war is over, 
with a peace that will only prolong our struggle, a democracy 
that will belie its name by leaving out half the people. 

The Administration continued to send women to the work- 
house and the District Jail for thirty and sixty day sentences. 





DUDLEY FIELD MALONE was known to the country 
as sharing the intimate confidence and friendship of 
President Wilson. He had known and supported the 
President from tlie beginning of the President's political career. 
He had campaigned twice through New Jersey with Mr, Wilson 
as Governor; he had managed Mr. Wilson's campaigns in many 
states for the nomination before the Baltimore Convention; he 
had toured the country with Mr. Wilson in 1912; and it was he 
who led to victory President Wilson's fight for California in 

So when Mr. Malone went to the White House in July, 1917, 
to protest against the Administration's handling of the suffrage 
question, he went not only as a confirmed suffragist, but also as 
a confirmed supporter and member of the Wilson Administra- 
tion—the one who had been chosen to go to the West in 1916 
to win women voters to the Democratic Party, 

Mr. Malone has consented to tell for the first time, in this 
record of the militant campaign, what happened at his memo- 
rable interview with President Wilson in July, 1917, an inter- 
view which he followed up two months later with his resigna- 
tion as Collector of the Port of New York. I quote the story 
in his own words: 

Frank P, Walsh, Amos Pinchot, Frederic C. Howe, J. A. 
H. Hopkins, Allen McCurdy and I were present throughout 
the trial of the sixteen women in July. Immediately after the 
police court judge had pronounced his sentence of sixty days 

158 . 



169 ■ 

in the Occoquan workhouse upon these "first offenders," on 
the alleged charge of a traffic violation, I went over to Anne 
Martin, one of the women's counsel, and offered to act as 
attorney on the appeal of the case. I then went to the court 
clerk's office and telephoned to President Wilson at the White 
House, asking him to see me at once. It was three o'clock. 
I called a taxicab, drove direct to the executive offices and 
met him. 

I began by reminding the President that in the seven years 
and a half of our personal and political association we had 
never had a serious difference. He was good enough to say 
that my loyalty to him had been one of the happiest circum- 
stances of his public career. But I told him I had come to 
place my resignation in his hands as I could not remain a 
member of any administration which dared to send American 
women to prison for demanding national suffrage. I also 
informed him that I had offered to act as counsel for the 
suffragists on the appeal of their case. He asked mc for full 
details of my complaint and attitude. I told Mr. Wilson 
everything I had witnessed from the time we saw the suffragists 
arrested in front of the White House to their sentence in the 
police court, I obsen^ed that although we might not agree 
with the "manners" of picketing, citizens had a right to petition 
the President or any other officiat of the government for a 
redress of grievances. He seemed to acquiesce in this view, 
and reminded mc that the women had been unmolested at the 
White House gates for over five months, adding that he had 
even ordered the head usher to invite the women on cold days 
to come into the White House and warm themselves and have 

"If the situation is as you describe it, it is shocking," said 
the PreaidentT "The manliandling of the women by the police 
was outrageous and the entire trial (before a judge of your 
own appointment) was a perversion of justice," I said. This 
seemed to annoy the President and he replied with asperity, 
"Why do j'ou come to mc in this indignant fashion for things 
which have been done by the police officials of the city of 

"Mr. President," I said, "the treatment of these women is 
the result of carefully laid plans made by the District Com- 




missioners of the city of Washington, who were appointee 
office by you. Newspaper men of unquestioned information 
and integrity have told me that the District Commissioners 
have been in consultation with your private secretary, Mr. * 
Tumulty, and that the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Mc- 
Adoo, sat in at a conference when the policy of these arrests 
was being determined." 

The President asserted his ignorance of all this. 

"Do you mean to tell me," he said, "that you intend to 
resign, to repudiate me and my Administration and sacrifice 
me for your views on this suffrage question?" 

His attitude then angered me and I said, "Mr. President, 
if there is any sacrifiee in this unbappy circumstance, it ia I 
who am making the sacrifice. I was sent twice as your spokes- 
man in the last campaign to the Woman Suffrage States of 
the West. You have since been good enough to say publicly 
and privately that I did as much as any man to carry Cali- 
fornia for you. After my first tour I had a long conference 
with you here at the White House on the political situation in 
those states. I told you that I found your strength with 
women voters lay in the fact that you had with great patience 
and statesmanship kept this country out of the European war. 
But that your great weakness with women voters was that you 
had not taken any step throughout your entire Administration 
to urge the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment, which 
Mr. Hughes was advocating and which atone can enfranchise 
all the women of the nation. You asked me then how T met 
this situation, and I told you that I promised the women 
voters of the West that if tliey showed tlie political sagacity 
to choose you as against Mr, Hughes, I would do everything 
in my power to get your Administration to take up and pass 
the suffrage amendment. You were pleased and approved of 
what I had done. I returned to California and repeated this 
promise, and so far as I am concerned, I must keep my part of 
that obligation." 

I reiterated to the President my earlier appeal that he 
assist suffrage as an urgent war measure and a necessary part 
of America's program for world democracy, to which the 
President replied: "The enfranchisement of women is not at 
all necessary to a program of democracy and I see nothing in 


the argument that it is a war measure unless you mean that 
American women will not loyally support the war unless they 
are given the vote." I firmly denied this conclusion of the 
President and told him that while American women with or 
without the vote would support the United States Government 
against German militarism, yet it seemed to me a great oppor- 
tunity of his leadership to remove this grievance which women 
generally felt against him and his administration. "Mr. Presi- 
dent," I urged, "if you, as the leader, will persuade the admin- 
istration to pass the Federal Amendment you will release from 
the Buifragc fight the energies of thousands of women which 
will be given with redoubled zeal to the support of your pro- 
gram for international justice." But the President absolutely 
refused to admit the validity of my appeal, though it was as a 
"war measure" that the President some months later demanded 
that the Senate pass the suffrage amendment. 

The President was visibly moved as I added, "You are the 
President now, reelected to office. You ask if I am going to 
sacrifice you. You sacrifice nothing by my resignation. But 
I lose much. I quit a political career. I give up a powerful 
office in my own state. I, who have no money, sacrifice a 
lucrative salary, and go hack to revive my law practice. But 
most of all I sever a personal association with you of the 
deepest affection which you know has meant much to me these 
past seven years. But I cannot and will not remain in office 
and see women thrown into jail because they demand their 
political freedom." 

The President earnestly urged me not to resign, saying, 
"What will the people of the country think when they hear 
that the Collector of the Port of New York has resigned be- 
cause of an injustice done to a group of suffragists by the 
police officials of the city of Washington?" 

My reply to this was, "With all respect for you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, my explanation to the public will not be as diflicult as 
yours, if I am compelled to remind -the public that you have 
appointed to office and can remove all the important offictala 
of the city of Washington." 

The President ignored this and insisted that I should not 
resign, saying, "I do not question your intense conviction about 
this matter as I know you have always been an ardent suf- 



f ra^st ; and since jou feci as you do I see no reason why you 
should not become their counsel and take this case up on appeal 
without resigning from the Administration." 

"But," I said, "Mr. President, that arrangement would be 
impossible for two reasons ; first, these women would not want 
mc as their counsel if I were a member of your Administration, 
for it would appear to the public then as if your Administra- 
tion was not responsible for the indignities to which they have 
been subjected, and your Administration is responsible; and, 
secondly, I cannot accept your suggestion because it may be 
necessary in the course of the appeal vigorously to criticize 
and condemn members of your cabinet and others close to you, 
and I could not adopt this policy while remaining in ofGce under 
you." The President seemed greatly upset and finally urged 
me as a personal service to him to go at once and perfect the 
case on appeal for the suffragists, but not to resign until I 
had thought it over for a day, and until he had had an oppor- 
tunity to investigate the facts I had presented to him. I agreed 
to this, and we closed the interview with the President saying, 
"Ji you consider my personal request and do not resign, please 
do not leave Wa.shington without coming to see me." I left 
the executive offices and never saw him again. 

There was just a day and a half left to perfect the excep- 
tions for the appeal under the rules of procedure. No steno- 
graphic record of the trial had been taken, which put me under 
the greatest legal difficulties. I was in the midst of these prep- 
arations for appeal the next day when I learned to my surprise 
that the President had pardoned the women. He had not even 
consulted me as their attorney. Moreover, I was amazed that 
since the President had said he considered the treatment of 
the women ''shocking," he had pardoned them without stating 
that he did so to correct a grave injustice. I felt certain that 
the high-spirited women in the workhouse would refuse to 
accept the pardon as a mere "benevolent" act on the part of 
the President, 

I at once went down to the workhouse in Virginia. My 
opinion was confirmed. The group refused to accept the 
President's pardon. I advised them that as a matter of law 
no one could compel them to accept the pardon, hut that as S 
matter of fact they would have to accept it, for the Attorney 



General would have tliem all put out of the institution bag 
and baggage. So as a solution of the difficulty and in view of 
the fact that tlie President had said to me that their treatment 
was "shocking" I made public the following statement: 

"The ■President's pardon is an acknowledgment by him of 
the grave injustice that has been done." This he never denied. 

Under this published interpretation of his pardon the 
women at Occoquan accepted the pardon and returned to 
Washington. The incident was closed. I returned to New 
York, During tlie next two months I carefully watched the 
situation. Six or eight more groups of women in that time 
were arrested on the same false charges, tried and imprisoned 
in the same illegal way. Finally a group of women was ar- 
rested in September under the identical circumstances as those 
in July, was tried in the same lawless fashion and given the 
same sentence of "sixty day.s in the workhouse." The Presi- 
dent may have been innocent of responsibility for the first 
arrests, but he was personally and politically responsible for 
all the arrests that occurred after his pardon of the first 
group. Under this development it seemed to me that self- 
respect demanded action, so I sent my resignation to the Presi- 
dent, publicly stated my attitude and regretfully left hia 

Mr. Malone's resignation in September, '',917, came with a 
sudden shuck, because the entire country and surely the Admin- 
istration thought him quieted and subdued by the President's 
personal appeal to him in July. 

Mr. Malonc was shocked that the policy of arrests should 
be continued. Mr. Wilson and his Administration were shocked 
that any one should care enough about the liberty of women to 
resign a lucrative post in the Government. The nation was 
shocked into the realization that this was not a street brawl 
between women and policemen, but a controversy between suffra- 
gists and a powerful Administration. We had said so but it 
would have taken months to convince the public that the Presi- 
dent was in any way responsible. Mr. Malone did what we could 
only have done with the greatest difficidty and after more pro- 





longed sacrifices. He laid the responsibility squarclj and 
dramatically where it belonged. It is impossible to over-emi 
ph&size what a tremendous acceleration Mr. Malone's fin^ 
solitary and generous act gave to the speedy break-down of th| 
Administration's resistance. His sacrifice lightened ours. | 

Women ought to be willing to make sacrifices for their ow4 
liberation, but for a man to have the courage and imaginatioi 
to make such a sacrifice for the liberation of women is unparalj 
leled. Mr. Malone called to the attention of the nation th^ 
true cause of the obstruction and suppression. He reproached 
the President and his colleagues after mature consideration, i^ 
the most honorable and vital way, — by refusing longer to asso; 
ciate himself with an Administration which backed such policies^ 

And Mr. Malone's resignation was not only welcomed by tbi 
militant group. The conservative suffrage leaders, althou^ 
they' heartily disapproved of picketing, were as outspokoi 
in their gratitude. 1 

Alice Stone Blackwell, the daughter of Lucy Stone, herseU 
a pioneer suffrage leader and editor, wrote to Mr, Malone ; ] 

"May I express my appreciation and gratitude for the Of 
cellent and manly letter that you have written to Presideni 
Wilson on woman suffrage? I am sure that I am only one <a 
many women who feel thankful to you for it. ] 

"The picketing seems to me a very silly business, and I aid 
sure it is doing the cause harm instead of good; but the pick? 
eters are being shamefully and illegally treated, and it is d 
thousand pities, for President Wilson's own sake, that he evw 
allowed the Washington authorities to enter on this course o| 
persecution. It was high time for some one to make a protes^ 
and you have made one that has been heard far and wide. . . .*? 

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the President of the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association, wrote: j 

"I was in Maine when your wonderful letter announcing 
your resignation came out. It was the noblest act that any maM 


ever did on behalf of our cause. The letter itself was a high 
minded appeal. . . ." 

Mrs. Norman de R. Whitehouse, the President of the New 
Vork State Woman Suffrage Party, with which Mr. Malone 
had worked for years, wired: 

"Although we disagree with you on the question of picket- 
ing every suffragist must be grateful to you for the gallant 
support you arc giving our cause and the great sacrifice you 
are making." 

Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw, Vice Chairman of the New York 
Suffrage Party, said: 

"No words of mine can tell you how our hearts have been 
lifted and our purposes strengthened in this tremendous 
struggle in New York State by the reading of your powerful 
and noble utterances in your letter to President Wilson, There 
dashed through my mind all the memories of Knights of chiv- 
alry and of romance that I have ever read, and they all paled 
before your championship, and the sacrifice and the high-spir- 
ited leadership that it signifies. Where you lead, I believe, 
thousands of other men will follow, even though at a distance, 
and most inadequately. . . ." 

And from the women voters of California with whom Mr. 
Malone had kept faith came the message: 

"The liberty-loving women of California greet you as one 
of the few men in history who have been willing to sacrifice 
material interests for the liberty of a class to which they them- 
selves do not belong. We are thrilled by your inspiring words. 
We appreciate your sympathetic understanding of the view- 
point of disfranchised women. We are deeply grateful for the 
incalculable benefit of your active assistance in the struggle of 
American women for political liberty and for a real Democ- 

[ reprint Mr. Malone's letter of resignation which sets forth 
in detail his position. 




The President, September 1, 191T. 

The White House, 
Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. President: 

Last autumn, as the representative of your Administration, 
I went into the woman suffrage states to urge your reelection. 
The most difficult argument to meet among the seven million 
voters was the failure of the Democratic party, throughout 
four years of power, to pass the federal suffrage amendment 
looking toward the enfranchisement of all the women of the 
country. Throughout those states, and particularly in Cali- 
fornia, which ultimately decided the election by the votes of 
women, the women voters were urged to support you, even 
though Judge Hughes had already declared for the federal 
suffrage amendment, because you and your party, through 
liberal leadership, were more likely nationally to enfranchise 
the rest of the women of the country than were your opponents. 

And if the women of the West voted to reelect you, I prom- 
ised them that I would spend all my energy, at any sacrifice 
to myself, to get the present Democratic Administration to 
pass the federal suffrage amendment. 

But the present policy of the Administration, in permitting 
splendid American women to be sent to jail in Washington, not 
for carrying offensive banners, not for picketing, but on the 
technical charge of obstructing traffic, is a denial even of their 
constitutional right to petition for, and demand the passage 
of, the federal suffrage amendment. It, therefore, now becomes 
my profound obligation actively to keep my promise to the 
women of the West, 

In more than twenty states it is a practical impossibility 
to amend the state constitutions ; bo the women of those States 
can only be enfranchised by the passage of the federal suffrage 
amendment. Since England and Russia, in the midst of the 
great war, have assured the national enfranchisement of their 
women, should we not he jealous to maintain our democratic 
leadership in the world by the speedy national enfranchisement 
of American women? 

To me, Mr. President, as I urged upon you in Washington 
two months ago, this is not only a measure of justice and 
democracy, it is also an urgent war measure. The women of 


the nation are, and always will be, loyal to the country, and 
the passage of tlie sufTru^ anicndiiic:Dt is only the first step 
toward their national emancipation. But unless the govern- 
ment takes at least this first step toward their enfranchisement, 
how can the government ask millions of American women, edu- 
cated in our schools and colleges, and millions of American 
voDien, in our homes, or toiling for economic independence in 
every line of industry, to give up by conscription their men 
and happiness to a war for democracy in Europe, while these 
women citizens are denied the right to vote on the policies of 
the Government which demands of them such sacrifice? 

For this reason many of your most ardent friends and 
supporters feel that the passage of the federal suffrage amend- 
ment is a war measure which could appropriately be urged by 
you at this session of Congress. It is true that this amend- 
ment would have to come from Congress, but the present Con- 
gress shows no earnest desire to enact this legislation for the 
simple reason that you, as the leader of the party in power, 
have not yet suggested it. 

For the whole country gladly acknowledges, Mr. President, 
that no vital piece of legislation has come through Congress 
these five years except by your extraordinary and brilliant 
leadership. And what millions of men and women to-day hope 
is that you will give the federal suffrage amendment to the 
women of the country by the valor of your leadership now. 
It will hearten the mothers of the nation, eliminate a just 
grievance, and turn the devoted energies of brilliant women to 
a more hearty support of the Government in this crisis. 

As you well know, in dozens of speeches in many states I 
have advocated your policies and the war. I was the first man 
of your Administration, nearly five years ago, to publicly 
advocate preparedness, and helped to found the first Platta- 
burg training camp. And if, with our troops mobilizing in 
France, you will give American women this measure for their 
political freedom, they will support with greater enthusiasm 
your hope and the hope of America for world freedom. 

I have not approved all the methods recently adopted by 
women in pursuit of their political liberty; yet, Mr. President, 
the Committee on Suffrage of the United States Senate was 
formed in 1883, when I was one year old; this same federal 

Buffrage amendment was first introduced in Congress in 1878^ 
brave women like Susan B. Anthony were petitioning Congress 
for the suffrage before the Civil War, and at the time of the 
Civil War men like William Lloyd Garrison, Horace Greeleyj 
and Wendell Phillips assured the suffrage leaders that if they 
abandoned their fight for suffrage, when the war was ended the 
men of the nation "out of gratitude" would enfranchise the 
women of the country. 

And if the men of this country had been peacefully de- 
manding for over half a century the political right or privilege 
to vote, and had been continuously ignored or met with evasitm 
by successive Congresses, as have the women, you, Mr. Fresi'i^ 
dent, as a lover of liberty, would be the first to comprelien^ 
and forgive their inevitable impatience and righteous indigo 
nation. Will not tliis Administration, reelected to power by, 
the hope and faith of the women of the West, handsomely re^ 
ward that faith by taking action now for the passage of th(j 
federal suS'ragc amendment? 

In the Port of New York, during the last four year% 
billions of dollars in the export and import trade of the counr' 
try have been handled by the men of the customs service; theiv 
treatment of the traveling public has radicaUy changed, their 
vigilance supplied the evidence of the Lusitania note; tM 
neutrality was rigidly maintained ; the great German fieet 
guarded, captured, and repaired — substantia] economies 
reforms have been concluded and my ardent industry has been! 
given to this great office of your appointment. I 

But now I wish to leave these finished tasks, to return l(^ 
my profession of the law, and to give all my leisure time t(^ 
fight as hard for the political freedom of women as I ha^ 
always fought for your liberal leadership. 

It seems a long seven years, Mr. President, since I firat 
campaigned with you when you were running for Governor of 
New Jersey. In every circumstance throughout those year? 
I have served you with the most respectful affection and UD'^ 
shadowed devotion. It is no small sacrifice now for me, as A 
member of your Administration, to sever our political relation^ 
ship. But I think it is high time that men in this generation^ 
at some cost to themselves, stood up to battle for the nationa|[ 
enfranchisement of American women. So in order effectively 



to keep my promise made in Ihe West and more freely to go 
into this larger field of democratic effort, I hereby resign my 
office a9 Collector of the Port of New York, to take effect at 
once, or at your earliest convenience. 

Yours respectfully, 

(Signed) Dudley Field Malonb. 

^TratE ^ 

President's answer has never before been published: 


WASHINGTON 12 September, 1917. 

My dear Mr, Collector: 

Your letter of September Tth reached me just before I left 

home and I have, I am sorry to say, been unable to reply to it 

I must frankly say that I cannot regard your reasons for 
resigning your position as Collector of Customs as convincing, 
but it is so evidently your wish to be reheved from the duties of 
the office that I do not feel at liberty to withhold my accept- 
ance of your resignation. Indeed, I judge from your letter 
that any discussion of the reasons would not be acceptable to 
you and that it is your desire to be free of the restraints of 
public office. I, therefore, accept your resignation, to take 
effect as you have wished. 

I need not say that our long association in public affairs 
makes me regret the action you have taken most sincerely. 
Very truly yours, 

(Signed) WooDBOW Wilson. 
Hon. Dudley Field Malonc, 
Collector of Customs, 
I New York City. 

To this Mr. Malone replied: 

New York, N. Y., 
TTie President, September 15th, 1917. 

The White House, 

Washington, D. C. i 

I Dear Mr. President : 

Thank you sincerely for your courtesy, for I knew you 
were on a well-earned holiday and I did not expect an earlier 
reply to my letter of September 7th, 1917. 

* 170 


After a most careful re-reading of my letter, I am unable 
to understand how you could judge that any discussion by 
you of my reasons for resigning would not be acceptable to 
me since my letter was an appeal to you on specific grounds 
for action now by the Administration on the Federal Suffrage 

However, I am profoundly grateful to you for your prompt 
acceptance of my resignation. 

Yours respectfully, 

(Signed) Dudley Field Malome. 

It may have been accidental but it is interesting to note 
that the first public statement of Mr. Byron Newton, appointed 
■by the Administration to succeed Mr, Malonc as Collector of 
the Port of New York, was a bitter denunciation of all woman 
suffrage whether by state or national action. 



IMMEDIATELY after Mr. Malone'a sensational resigna- 
tion the Administration sought another way to remove 
the persistent pickets without passing the amendment. It 
yielded on a point of machinery. It gave us a report in the 
Senate and a committee in the House and expected us to be 

The press had tunied again to more sympathetic accounts 
of our campaign and exposed the prison regime we were under- 
going. We were now for a moment the object of sympathy : the 
Administration was the butt of considerable hostility. Sensing 
their predicament and fearing any loss of prestige, they risked 
a slight advance. 

Senator Jones, Chairman of the Suffrage Committee, made 
a visit to the workhouse. Scarcely had the women recovered 
from the surprise of his visit when the Senator, on the following 
day, September 15th, filed the favorable report which had been 
lying with his Committee since May 15th, exactly six months. 

The Report, which he had so long delayed because he wanted 
[he said] to make it a particularly brilliant and elaborate one, 

"The Committee on Woman Suffrage, to which was referred the 
joint retolation proposing an amendment to the Conttitor- 
tion of the United States, conferring upon joomen the right 
of suffrage, hawig the same under consideration, beg leave 
to report it back to the Senate with the recommendation 
that the joint resolution do pats" 




This report to the Senate was imircdifttely followed by a 
vote of 181 to 107 in the House of Representatives in favor of 
creating a Committee on Woman Suffrage in the House. This 
vote was indicative of the strength of the amendment in the 
House. The resolution was sponsored by Representative Poo, 
Cliairman of the Rules Committee and Administration leader, 
himself an anti-suffragist. 

It is an interesting study in psychology to consider some 
of the statements made in the peculiarly heated debate the day 
this vote was taken. 

Scores of Congressmen, anxious to refute the idea that the 
indomitable picket had had anything to do with their action) 
revealed naively how surely it had. 

Of the 291 men present, not one man stood squarely up for 
the right of the hundreds of women who petitioned for justice. 
Some indirectly and many, inadvertently, however, paid elo- 
quent tribute to the suffrage picket. 

From the moment Representative Pou in opening the debate 
spoke of the nation-wide request for the committee, and the 
President's sanction of the committee, the accusations and 
counter-accusations concerning the wisdom of appointing it in 
the face of the pickets were many and animated. 

Mr. Meeker of Missouri, Democrat, protested against Con- 
gress "yielding to the nagging of a certain group." 

Mr. Cantrill of Kentucky, Democrat, believed that "millions 
of Christian women in the nation should not be denied the right 
of having a Committee in the House to study the problem of 
suffrage because of the mistakes of some few of their sisters.** 
■,Ai "One had as well say," he went on, "that there should be no 
police in Washington because the police force of this city per- 
T^ititie^ daily thousands of people to obstruct the streets and 
.j^tji^^dp, traffic and permitted almost the mobbing of the women 
iKJjijM^l^jtirrc' sting the offenders. There was a lawful and peace- 
ful way in which the police of this city could have taken charge 



of the banners of the pickets without permittiDg the women 
carrying tliem to be the objects of mob violence. To see women 
roughly handled by rough men on the streets of the capital 
of the nation is not a pleasing sight to Kentuckians and to red- 
blooded Americans, and let us hope the like will never again be 
seen here." 

Mr. Walsh, an anti-sulFrage Democrat from Massachusetts, 
deplored taking any action which would seem to yield to the 
demand of the pickets who carried banners which "if used by a 
poor workingman in an attempt to get his rights would speed- 
ily have put him behind the bars for treason or sedition, and 
these poor, bewildered, deluded creatures, after their disgusting 
eshibitioD can thank their stars that because they wear skirts 
they are now incarcerated for misdemeanors of a minor char^ 
acter. . . . To supinely yield to a certain class of women 
picketing the gates of the official residence, — yes, even posing 
with their short skirts and their short hair within the view of 
this Srcry capitol and our office buildings,' with banners which 
would seek to lead the people to believe that because we did not 
take action during this war session upon suffrage, if you please, 
and grant them the right of the ballot that we were traitors to 
the American Republic, would be monstrous." ^ 

The subject of the creation of a committee on suffrage was 
almost entirely forgotten. The Congressmen were utterly un- 
able to shake off the ghosts of the pickets. The pickets had not 
influenced their actions! The very idea was appalling to 
Representative Stafford of Wisconsin, anti-suffrage Republi- 
can, who joined in the Democratic protests. He said: 

"If a Suffrage Committee is created the militant class will 
exclaim, 'Ah, see how we have driven the great House of Rep- 
resentatives to recognize our rights. If we keep up this sort of 
practices, we will compel the House, when they come to vote on 
the constitutional amendment, to surrender obediently like- 





He spoke the truth, and 6nished dramatically with; 

"Gentlemen, there isibnly one question before the House to- 
day and that is, If you look at it from a political aspect, 
whether you wish to approve of the practices of these women 
who have been disgracing their cause here in Washington for 
the past several months." 

Representative Volstead, of Minnesota, Republican, came 
the closest of all to real courage in his protest: — 

"In this discussion some very unfair comments have been 
made upon the women who picketed the White House. Whil« 
I do not approve of picketing, I disapprove more strongly of 
the hoodlum methods pursued in suppressing the practice. I 
gather from the press that this is what took place. Some wo- 
men did in a peaceable, and perfectly lawful manner, display 
suffrage banners on the public street near the White House. 
To stop this the police allowed the women to be mobbed, and 
then because the mob obstructed the street, the women were 
arrested and tined, while the mob went scot-free, . . ." 

The Suffrage Committee in the House was appointed. The 
creation of this committee, which had been pending since 191S, 
was now finally granted in September, 1917. To be sure this 
was accomplished only after an inordinate amount of time, 
money and effort had been spent on a sustained and relentless 
campaign of pressure. But the Administration had yielded. 

As a means to remove the pickets, however, this yielding had 
failed. "We ask no more machinery; we demand the passage 

of the amendment," said the pickets as they lengthened their 




FINDING that a Suffrage Committee in the House and a 
report in the Senate had not silenced our bannerB, the 
Administration cast about for another plan by which to 
stop the picketing. This time they turned desperately to 
longer terms of imprisonment. They were indeed hard pressed 
when they could choose such a cruel and stupid course. 

Our answer to this policy was more women on the picket 
line, on the outside, and a protest on the inside of prison. 

We decided, in the face of extended imprisonment, to de- 
mand to be treated as political prisoners. We felt that, as a 
matter of principle, this was the dignified and self- respecting 
thing to do, since we had offended politically, not criminally. 
We believed further that a determined, organized effort to make 
clear to a wider public the political nature of the offense would 
intensify the Administration's embarrassment and so accelerate 
their final surrender. 

It fell to Lucy Bums, vice chairman of the organization, to 
be the leader of the new protest. Miss Burns is in appearance 
the verv svmbol of woman in revolt. Her abundant and glori- 
ous red hair bums and is not consumed — a flaming torch. Her 
body is strong and vital. It is said that Lucy Stone had the 
"voice" of the pioneers. Lut^ Bums without doubt possessed 
the "voice" of the modern suffrage movement. Musical, appeal- 
ing, persuading — she could move the most resistant person. 
Her talent as an orator is of the kind that makes (or instant 




intimacy with h(^ audiecice. Her emotional quality is -bo power- 
ful that her intellectual capacity, which is quite as great, is not 
always at once perceived. 

I find myself wanting to talk aliout her as a human being 
rather than as a leader of women. Perhaps it is because she has 
such winning, lovable qualities. It was always dillicult for her 
to give all of her energy and power to a movement. She 
yearned to play, to read, to study, to be luxuriously indolent, 
to revel in the companionsliip of her family, to which she is 
ardently devoted ; to do any one of a hundred things more pleas- 
ant than trying to reason with a politician or an unawakened 
member of her own sex. But for these latter labors she had & 
roost gentle and persuasive genius, and she would not shrink 
from hours of close argument to convince a person intellec- 
tually and emotionally. 

Unlike Miss Paul, however, her force is not nonresistant. 
Once in the combat she takes delight in it ; she is by nature a 
rebel. She is an ideal leader for the stormy and courageous 
attack — recklewa and yet never to the point of unwisdom. 

From the time Miss Bums and Miss Paul met for the first 
time in Cannon Row Police Station, London, they have been 
constant co-workers in suffrage. Both were students abroad at 
the time they met. They were among the hundred women ar- 
rested for attempting to present petitions for suffrage to Par- 
liament. This was the first time either of them had participated 
in a demonstration. But from then on they worked together 
in England and Scotland organizing, speaking, heckling mem- 
bers of the government, campaigning at bye-elections ; going to 
Holloway Prison together, where tlicy joined the Englishwomen 
on hunger strike. Miss Bums remained organizing in Scotland 
while Miss Paul was obliged to return to America after serious 
illness following a thirty day period of imprisonment, during 
all of which time she was forcibly fed. 

Miss Bums and she did not meet again until 1913 — three 

years having intervened— when they undertook the national 
work on Congress. Throughout tlie entire campaign Miss 
Burns and Miss Paul counseled with one anotlier on every 
point of any importance. This combination of the cool strate- 
gist and passionate rebel — each sharing some of the attributes 
of the otJier — has been a complete and unsurpassed leadership. 

You have now been introduced, most inadequately, to Lucy 
Bums, who was to start the fight inside the prison. 

She had no sooner begun to organize her comrades for pro- 
test than the officials sensed a "plot," and removed her at once 
to solitary confinement. But they wore too late. Taking the 
leader only hastened the rebellion. A forlorn piece of paper 
was discovered, on which was written their initial demand It 
was then passed from prisoner to prisoner through holes in the 
wall surrounding leaden pipes, until a finished dociunent had 
been perfected and signed by all the prisoners. 

This historic doeument^ — historic because it represents the 
first organized group action ever made in America to establish 
the status of political prisoners — said: 

To the Commissioners of the Distinct of Columbia: 

As political -prisoners, we, the undersigned, refuse to work 
while in prison. We have taken this stand as a matter of 
principle after careful consideration, and from it we shall not 

This action is a necessary protest against aa unjust sen- 
tence. In reminding President Wilson of his pre-election 
promises toward woman suffrage we were exercising the right 
of peaceful petition, guaranteed by the Constitution of the 
United States, which declares peaceful picketing is legal in 
the District of Columbia. That we are unjustly sentenced has 
been well recognized— when President Wilson pardoned the 
first group of suff'ragists who had been given sixty days in the 
workhouse, and again when Judge Mullowny suspended sen- 
tence for the last group of pickettrs. We wish to point out 
the inconsistency and injustice of our sentences — some of us 
have been given sixty days, a later group thirty days, and - 

: 178 



another group given a suspcDded sentence for exactly the same 

Conscious, therefore, of having acted in accordance with 
the highest standards of citizenship, we ask the Commissioners 
of the District to grant us the rights due political prisoners. 
We ask that we no longer be segregated and confined under 
locks and bars in small groups, but permitted to see each other, 
and that Miss Lucy Burns, who is in full sympathy with this 
letter, be released from solitary coufinemont in another building 
and given back to us. 

We ask exemption from prison work, that our legal right 
to consult counsel be recognized, to have food sent to us from 
outside, to supply ourselves with writing material for as much 
correspondence as we may need, to receive books, letters, news- 
papers, our relatives and friends. 

Our united demand for political treatment has been de- 
layed, because on entering the workhouse we found conditions 
so very bad that before wc could ask that the suffragists be 
treated as political prisoners, it was necessary to make a stand 
for the ordinary rights of human beings for all the inmates. 
Although this has not been accomplished we now wish to bring 
the important question of the status of political prisoners to 
the attention of the commissioners, who, we arc informed, have 
full authority to make what regulations they please for the 
District prison and workhouse. 

The Commissioners are requested to send us a written reply 
80 that we may be sure this protest has reached them. 

Signed by, 
Makt Winsor, Lucy Bran-ham, Ernestine Haba, Hilda 
Blumbebg, Maud, Pauline F. Adams, Bleanoe A. 
Calnan, Edith Ainge, Annie Abneil, Dohothy J. Baeti.ett, 
Mabgaeet Fothebingham. 

The Commissioners' only answer to this was a hasty transfer 
of the signers and the loader. Miss Bums, to the District Jail, 
where they were put in solitary confinement. The women were 
not only refused the privileges asked but were denied some of 
the usual privileges allowed to ordinary criminals. 

Generous publicity was given to these reasonable demandsi 


and a surprisingly wide-spread protest followed the official de- 
nial of them. Scores of committees went to the District Com- 
missioners. Telegrams backing up the women's demand again 
poured in upon all responsible administrators, from President 
Wilson down. Not even foreign diplomats escaped protest or 

Miss Vera Samarodin sent to the Russian Ambassador the 
following touching letter, concerning her sister, which is trans- 
lated from the Russian : — 

The Russian Ambassador, 

Washington, D. C. 
Excellency : 

I am appealing to you to help a young Russian girl imr 
prisoned in the workhouse near Washington. Her name is 
Nina Samarodin. I have just come from one of the two 
monthly visits I am allowed to make her, as a member of her 

The severity and cruelty of the treatment she is receiving 
at Occoquan arc so much greater than she would have to suffer 
in Russia for the simple political offense she is accused of 
having committed that I hope you will be able to intercede 
with the officials of this country for her. 

Her offense, aside from the fact that she infringed no law 
nor disturbed the peace, had only a political aim, and was 
proved to be political by the words of the judge who sentenced 
her, for he declared that because of the innocent inscription 
on her banner he would make her sentence light. 

Since her imprisonment she has been forced to wear the 
dress of a criminal, which she would not in Russia; she has had 
to eat only the coarse and unpalatable food served the criminal 
inmates, and has not been allowed, as she would in Russia, to 
have other food brought to her; nor has she, as she would be 
there been under the daily care of a physician. She is not 
permitted to write letters, nor to have free access to books and 
other implements of study. Nina Samarodin has visibly lost 
in weight and strength since her imprisonment, and she has a 
constant headache from hunger. 

Her motive in holding the banner by the White House, I 





feel, cannot but appeal to yoa. Excellency, for she says it was 
the knowledge that her family were fighting in Russia in this 
great war for democracy, and that she was cut off from serv- 
ing with them that made her desire to do wliat she could to 
help the women of this nation achieve the freedom her own 
people have. 

Will you, if it is within your power, attempt to have her 
recognized as a political prisoner, and relieve the severity of 
the treatment she is receiving for obeying this impulse bom of 
her love of liberty and the dictates of her conscience? 
I have, Excellency, the honor to be. 

Respectfully, your countrywoman, 

(Signed) Vera Samabodiw, 

Baltimore, Maryland. 

Another Russian, Maria Moravsky, author and poet, who 
had herself been imprisoned in Czarist Russia and who was tour- 
ing America at the time of this controversy, expressed her sur- 
prise that our suffrage prisoners should be treated as common 
criminals. She wrote r* "I have been twice in the Russian 
prison : life in the solitary cell was not sweet ; but I can assure 
you it was better than that which American women suffragists 
must bear. 

"We were permitted to read and write; we wore our own 
clothes; we were not forced to mix with the criminals; we did 
no work. (Only a few women exiled to Siberia for extremely 
serious political crimes were compelled to work.) And our 
guardians and even judges respected us; they felt we were vic- 
tims, because we struggled for liberty." 

The Commissioners, who had to bear the responsibility of an 
answer to these protests and to the demand of the prisoners, 
contended to all alike that political prisoners did not esist. 

"We shall be happy to establish a precedent," said the 

"But in America," stammered the Commissioners, "there ia 
no need for such a thing as political prisoners." 
'Reprinted from Tlie Suffragist, Feb. 9, 1919. 


"The very fact that we can be sentenced to such long terms 
for a political offense shows that there does exist, in fact, a 
group of people who have come into conflict witli state power 
for dissenting from the prevailing political system," our repre- 
sentatives answered. 

We cited definitions of political ofTenses by emioent crimi- 
nologists, penologists, sociologists, statesmen and historians. 
We declared that all authorities on political crime sustained 
our contention and that we clearly came under the category 
of political, if any crime. We pointed as proof to James Bryce, 
George Sigerson, Maurice Parmelee and even to Clemenceau, 
who defined the distinction between political offenses and com- 
mon law crimes thus: "... theoretically a crime committed 
in the interest of the criminal is a common law crime, while an 
offense committed in the pubUc interest is a pohtical crime." ^ 

We called to their attention the established custom of 
special treatment of political prisoners in Russia, France, Italy 
and even Turkey. ' 

We told them that as early as 1872 the International Prison 
Congress meeting in London recommended a distinction in the 
treatment of political and common law crinunals and the reso- 
lution of recommendation was "agreed upon by the representa- 
tives of aU the Powert of Europe and A merica — with the tacit 
concurrence of British and Irish officials,"' 

Mr. John Koren, International Prison Commissioner * for 
the United States, was throughout this agitation making a 
study of this very problem. As chairman of a Special Commit- 

< Speech before the French Cbanibcr of DcpuUca Hnj 16, 1976, ad- 
vocating amncsly tor tliose who participated in the Comniune of 1871. 
From the AnimJcs de la Chajnbre dcs Dfpulis, 1876, v. 8, pp, iM8. 

•Those interrstcd in the question of politieal prisoners and their treat- 
ment abroad ma; wacit to rend ConrrnUn^ PoUtioai PritoutT*, Appendix 6. 

■Sicgcrson, PolUical Fruimeri at llomf and Abroad, p. 10. 

* Appointed and sponsored by the Department of Stale as delegate to 
the International Prison Congress. 



tee of the American Prison Association, empowered to investi- 
gate the problem of political prisoners for America, he made a 
report at the annual meeting of the American Prison Associ- 
ation in New York, October, 1919, entitled "The PoUtical Of- 
fenders and their Status in Prison" ' in which he says: 

"The political offender . , . must be measured by a differ- 
ent rule, and . . . is a creature of extraordinary and tempo- 
rary conditions. . . , 

"There are times in which the tactics used in the pursuit of 
political recognition may result in a technical violation of the 
law for which imprisonment ensues, as witness the suffragist 
cases in Washington. . . . These militants were completely out 
of place in a workhouse, . . . they could not be made to submit 
to discipline fashioned to meet the needs of the derelicts of 
society, and . . . they therefore destroyed it for the entire 

There was no doubt in the official mind but that our claim 
was just. But the Administration would not grant this de- 
mand, as such, of political prisoners. It must continue to per- 
suade public opinion that our offense was not of a political 
nature; that it was nothing more than unpleasant and unfor- 
tunate riotous conduct in the capital. The legend of "a few 
slightly mad women seeking notoriety" must be sustained. Our 
demand was never granted, but it was kept up until the last 
imprisonment and was soon reinforced by additional protest 
tactics. Our suffrage prisoners, however, made an important 
contribution toward establishing this reform which others will 
consummate. They were the first in America to organize and 
sustain this demand over a long period of time. In America 
we maintain a most backward policy in dealing with political 
prisoners. We have neither regulation nor precedent for special 
treatment of them. Nor have we official flexibility. 



This controversy was at its height in the press and in the 
public mind when President Wilson sent the following message, 
through a New Yo.'k State suffrage loader, on behalf of the 
approaching New York referendum on state woman suffrage: 

"May I not express to you my very deep interest in the 
campaign in New York for the adoption of woman suffrage, 
and may I not say that I hope no voter will be influenced in hia 
decision with regard to the great matter by anything the so- 
called pickets may have done here in Washington. However 
justly they may have laid themselves open to serious criticism, 
their action represents, I am sure, so small a fraction of the 
women of the country who are urging the adoption of woman 
suffrage that it would be most unfair and argue a narrow view 
to allow their actions to prejudice the cause itself. I am very 
anxious to see the great state of New York set a great example 
in this matter." 

This statement showed a political appreciation of the grow- 
ing power of the movement. Also it would be difficult to prove 
that the "small fraction" had not shown political wisdom in 
injecting into the campaign the embarrassment of a controversy 
which was followed by the above statement of the President. 
In the meantime he continued to imprison in Washington the 
"so-called pickets" whom he hoped would not influence the de- 
cision of the men voters of New York. It will be remembered, 
in passing, that the New York voters adopted suffrage at this 
time, although they had rejected it two years earlier. If the 
voters of New York were influenced at all by the "so-called 
pickets," could even President Wilson himself satisfactorily 
prove that it had been an adverse influence? 



WHEN the Administration refused to grant the demand 
of the prisoners and of that portion of the public 
which supported them, for the rights of political pris- 
oners, it was decided to resort to the ultimate protest- weapon 
inside prison. A hunger strike was undertaken, not only to rein- 
force the verbal demand for the rights of political prisoners, 
but also as a final protest against unjust imprisonment and 
increasingly long sentences. This brought the Administration 
face to face with a more acute embarrassment. They bad to 
choose between more stubborn resistance and capitulation. 
They continued for a while longer on the former path. 

Little is known in this country about the weapon of the 
hunger strike. And so at first it aroused tremendous indigna- 
tion. "Let them starve to death," said the thoughtless one, 
who did not perceive that that was the very thing a political 
administration could least afford to do, "Mad fanatics," said 
a kindlier critic. The general opinion was that the hunger 
strike was "foolish." 

Few people realize that this resort to the refusal of food is 
almost as old as civilization. It has always represented a pas- 
sionate desire to achieve an end. There is not time to go into 
the religious use of it, which would also be pertinent, but I will 
cite a few instances which have tragic and amusing likenessea 
to the suffrage hunger strike. 

According to the Brehon Law, ' which was the code of 

Joyce, A Soeiat BUtoiy of AitcimU Irtland, Vol. I, Oispler VIII, 


aDcient Ireland by wliich justice was administered under ancient 
Iriali monarchs (from the earliest record to the 17th century), 
it became the dut^ of an injured person, when all else failed, 
to inflict punishment directly, for wrong done. "The plaintiff 
'fasted on' the defendant." He went to the house of the defend- 
ant and sat upon his doorstep, remaining there without food to 
force the payment of a debt, for example. The debtor was 
compelled by the weight of custom and public opinion not to let 
the plaintilT die at his door, and yielded. Or if he did not yield, 
he was practically outlawed by the community, to the point of 
being driven away. A man who refused to abide by the custom 
not only incurred personal danger but lost all character. 

If resistance to this form of protest was resorted to it had 
to take the form of a counter-fast. If the victim of such a pro- 
test thought himself being unjustly coerced, he might fast in 
opposition, "to mitigate or avert tJie evil." 

"Fasting on a man" was also a mode of compelling action 
of another sort. St. Patrick fasted against King Trian to 
compel him to have compassion on his [Trian's] slaves.' He 
also fasted against a heretical city to compel it to become or- 
thodox. ^ He fasted against the pagan King Loeguire to 
"constrain him to his will."* 

This form of hunger strike was further used under the Bre- 
boD Law as compulsion to obtain a request. For example, the 
Leinstermen on one occasion fasted on St. Columkille till they 
obtained from him the promise that an extern King should never 
prevail against them. 

It is interesting to note that this form of direct action was 
adopted because there was no Icpslative machinery to enforce 
justice. These laws were merely a collection of customs attain- 
ing the force of law by long usage, by hereditary habit, and by 

' Tripartm Lift of St. Patrirk. CLXXVII, p. 218. 

•/6i<t CLXXVII, p. 418. ; 

•/Hrf. CLXXVII, p. 6S6. 




"If this thing is necessary we will naturally go through with 
it. Force is ao stupid a. weapon. I feel so happy doing my bit 
for decency — for our war, which is after all, real and funda- 


"The women are all so magnificent, so beautiful. Alice Paul 
is as thin as ever, pale and large-eyed. We have been in soli- 
tary for five weeks. There is nothing to tell but that the days 
go by somehow. I have felt quite feeble the last few days — 
faint, so that I could hardly get my hair brushed, my arms 
ached BO. But to-day I am well again. Alice Paul and I talk 
back and forth though we are at opposite ends of the build- 
ing and a hall door also shuts us apart. But occasionally — 
thrills — we escape from behind our iron-barred doors and visit. 
Great laughter and rejoicing!" 

To her husband : — 

"My fainting probably means nothing except that I am not 
strong after those weeks. I know you won't be alarmed. 

"I told about a syphilitic colored woman with one leg. The 
other one was cut off, having rotteil so that it was alive with 
maggots when she came in. The remaining one is now getting 
as bad. They are so short of nurses that a little colored girl of 
twelve, who is here waiting to have her tonsils removed, waits 
on her. This child and two others share a ward with a syph- 
ilitic child of three or four years, whose mother refused to have 
it at home. It makes you absolutely ill to see it. I am going 
to break all three windows as a protest against their con- 
fining Alice Paul with these! 

"Dr. Gannon is chief of a hospital. Vet Alice Paul and I 
found we had been taking baths in one of the tubs here, in 
which this syphilitic child, an incurable, who has his eyes band- 
aged all the time, is also bathed. He has been here a year. Into 
the room where he lives came yesterday two children to be 


operated on for tonsillitis. They also bathed in the same tub. 
The syphilitic woman has been in that room seven months. 
Clieerful mixing, isn't it? The place is alive with roaches, 
crawling all over the walls, everywhere, Z found one in my bed 
the other day. . . ." 


"There is great excitement about my two syphilitica. Each 
nurse is being asked whether she told mc. So, as in all institu- 
tions where an unsanitary fact is made public, no effort is 
made to make the wrong itself right. All hands fall to, to find 

culprit, who made it known, and he is punished." 

'Alice Paul is in the psychopathic ward. She dreaded 
ible feeding fri^tfully, and I hate to think how she must 
be feeling. I had a nervous time of it, gasping a long time 
afterward, and my stomach rejecting during the process. I 
spent a bad, restless night, but otherwise I am all right. The 
poor soul who fed mc got liberally besprinkled during the pro- 
cess. I heard myself making the most hideous sounds. . . . 
One feels so forsaken when one lies prone and people shove a 
pijw down one's stomach," 

"This morning but for an astounding tiredness, I am 
all right, I am waiting to see what happens when the President 
realizes that brutal bullying isn't quite a statesmanlike method 
for settling a demand for justice at home. At least, if men are 
supine enough to endure, women — to their eternal glory — are 

"TTiey took down the boarding from Alice Paul's window 
yeaterday, I heard. It is so delicious about Alice and me. Over 
in the jail a rumor began that I was considered insane and 
would be examined. Then came Doctor White, and said he had 
come to sec the thyroid case.* When they left we argued about 
the matter, neither of us knowing which was considered 'suspi- 


I tio 



cio^s.* She insisted it was she, and, as it happened, she was 

right. Imagine any one thinking Alice Paul needed to be 

'under observation !' Tlic thick-headed idiots !" 

"Yesterday was a bad day for me in feeding. I was vomit- 
ing continually during the process. The tube has developed 
an irritation somewhere that is painful. 

"Never was there a sentence ' like ours for such an offense 
as ours, even in England. No woman ever got it over there 
even for tearing down buildings. And during all that agita- 
tion we were busy saying that never would such things happen 
in the United States, The men told us tliey would not endure 
Buch frightfulness." 

* * • • 

"Mary Beard and Helen Todd were allowed to stay only a 
minute, and I cried like a fool. I am getting over that habit, I 
think. ' 

"I fainted again last night, I just fell flop over in the bath- 
room where I was washing my hands and was led to bed when I 
recovered, by a nurse. I lost consciousness just as I got there 
again. I felt horribly faint until 12 o'clock, then fell asleep 
for awhile." 

• • • • 

**I was getting frantic because you seemed to think Alice 
Tas with me in the hospital. She was in the psychopathic ward. 
The same doctor feeds us both, and told me. Don't let them 
tell you we take this well. Miss Paul vomits much. I do, too, 
except when I'm not nervous, as I have been every time against 
my will. I try to be less feeble-minded. It's the nervous reac- 
tion, and I can't control it much. I don't imagine bathing one's 
food in tears very good for one. 

"We think of the coming feeding all day. It is horrible. 

L months for "obstructing traffic." 


Tlie doctor thinks I take it well. I hate the thought of Alice 
Paul and the others if I lake it wcU," 

"We still get no mail ; we are 'insubordJaatc* It's strange, 
isn't it ; if you ask for food fit to eat, a§ we did, jou are 'insu- 
bordinate'; and if you refuse food you are 'insubordinate.' 
Amusing. I am really all right. If this continues very long I 
perhaps won't be. I am interested to sec how long our so- 
caUed 'splendid American men* will stand for this form of 

"All news cheers one marvelously because it is hard to feel 
anything but a bit desolate and forgotten here in this place, 

"All the officers here know we are making this hunger strike 
that women fighting for liberty may be considered political 
prisoners ; we have told them. God knows we don't want other 
women ever to have to do this over again." 

There have been sporadic and isolated cases of hunger 
strikes in tlds country but to my knowledge ours was the first 
to be organized and sustained over a long period of time. We 
shall see in subsequent chapters how efTective this weapon was. 





THE Administration tried in another way to atop piclcet- 
ing. It sentenced the leader, Alice Paul, to the absurd 
and desperate sentence of seven months in the Washing- 
ton jail for "obstructing traffic." 

With the "leader" safely behind the bars for so long a 
time, the agitation would certainly weaken! So thought the 
Administration! To their great surprise, however, in the face 
of that reckless and extreme sentence, the longest picket line 
of the entire campai^ formed at the White House in the late 
afternoon of November 10th. Forty-one women picketed in 
protest against this wanton persecution of their leader, as well 
as against the delay in passing the amendment. Face to face 
with an embarrassing number of prisoners the Administration 
used its wits and decided to reduce tlie number to a manageable 
aize before imprisoning this group. Failing of that they tried 
still another way out. They resorted to imprisonment with 

In order to show how widely representative of the nation 
this group of pickets was, I give its personnel complete: 

Fint Group 

New York — Mrs. John Winters Brannan, Miss Belle 
Sheinberg, Mrs, L. H, Honisby, Mrs. Paula Jakobi, Mrs. Cyn- 
thia Cohen. Miss M. Tildcn Burritt, Miss Dorothy Day, Mrs. 
Henry Butterworth, Miss Cora Week, Mrs. P. B. Johns, Miss 



Elizabeth Hamilton, Mrs. Ella 0. Guilford, New York City ; 
Miss Amy Juengling, Miss Hattie Kruger, Buffalo. 

Second Group 

Massachusetts — Mrs. Agnes H. Morey, Brookline; Mrs. 
William Bergen and Miss Camilla Whitcomb, Worcester; Miss 
Ella Ftndeisen, Lawrence; Miss L. J. C. Daniels, Boaton. 

New Jersey — Mrs. George Scott, Montclair. 

Pennsylvania — Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Miss Elizabeth Mc- 
Sbane, Miss Katberine Lincoln, Philadelphia. 

Third Group 

California — Mrs. William Kent, Kenttield. 

Oregon — Miss Alice Gram, Miss Betty Gram, Portland. 

Utah— Mrs. R. B. Quay, Mrs. T. C. Robertson, Salt Lake 

Colorado — Mrs, Eva Decker, Colorado Springs, Mrs. Gene- 
vieve Williams, Manitou. 

Fourth Group 

Indiana— Mrs. Charles W. Barnes, Indianapolis. 

Oklahoma— Mrs. Kate Stafford, Oklahoma City. 

Minnesota — Mrs. J. H. Short, Minneapolis. 

Iowa — Mrs. A. N. Beim, Des Moines ; Mrs. Catherine Mar- 
tinette, Eagle Grove, 

Fifth Group 

New York — Miss Lucy Bums, New York City. 

District of Columbia— Mrs. Harvey Wiley. 

Louisiana — Mrs, Alice M. Cosu, New Orleans. 

Maryland— Miss Mary Bartlett Dixon, Easton; Miss Julia 

10 ry, Baltimore. 

Florida — Mrs. Mary I. Nolan, Jacksonville. 


There were exceptionally dramatic figures in this group. 
Mr.i. Mary Nolan of Florida, seventy-three years old, frail in 


health but militaDt in spirit, said she had come to take her 
place with the women struggling for liberty in the same spirit 
that her revolutionary ancestor, Eliza Zane, had carried bullets 
to the fighters in the war for independence. 

Mrs. Harvey Wiley looked appealing and beautiful as she 
' said in court, "We took this action with great consecration of 
I spirit, with willingness to sacrifice personal liberty for all the 
of the country," 

Judge MuUowny addressed the prisoners with many high- 
sounding words about the seriousness of obstructing the traffic 
in the national capital, and inadvertently slipped into a dis- 
course on Russia, and the dangers of revolution. We always 
wondered why the government was not clever enough to elim- 
inate political discourses, at least during trials, where the 
offenders were charged with breaking a slight regulation. But 
their minds were too full of the political aspect of our offense 
to conceal it. "The truth of the situation is that the court has 
not been given power to meet it," the judge lamented. "It is 
very, very puzzling — I find you guilty of the ofFense charged, 
but will take the matter of sentence under advisement." 

And so the "guilty" pickets were summarily released. 

The Administration did not relish the incarceration of 
forty-one women for another reason than limited housing 
accommodations. Forty-one women representing sixteen states 
in the union might create a considerable political dislocation. 
But these same forty-one women wore determined to force the 
Administration to take its choice. It could allow them to con- 
tinue their peaceful agitation or it could stand the reaction 
which was bound to come from imprisoning them. And so the 
forty-one women returned to the White House gates to resume 
their picketing. The}' stood guard several minutes before the 
police, taken unawares, could summon sufficient force to arrest 
them, and commandeer enough cars to carry them to pohce 
headquarters. As the Philadelplua North American pointed 


"There was no disorder. The crowd waited with interest 
and in a noticeably friendly spirit to see what would happen. 
There were frequent references to the pluck of the silent 

The following morning the women were ordered by Judge 
MuUowny to "come back on Friday. I am not yet prepared 
to try the case." 

Logic dictated that either we had a right to stand at the 
gates with our banners or we did not have that right; but the 
Administration was not interested in logic. It had to stop 
picketing. Whether this was done legally or illegally, logically 
or illogically, clumsily or dexterously, was of secondary im- 
portance. Picketing must be stopped ! 

Using their welcome release to continue their protest, the 
women again marched with their banners to the White House 
in an attempt to picket. Again they were arrested. No one 
who saw that line wdl ever forget the impression it made, not 
only on friends of the suffragists, but on the general populace 
of Washington, to sec these women force with such magnificent 
defiance the hand of a wavering Administration. On the fol- 
lowing morning they were sentenced to from six days to six 
months in prison. Miss Bums received six months. 

In pronouncing the lightest sentence upon Mrs. Nolan, the 
judge said that he did so on account of her age. He urged her, 
however, to pay her fine, hinting that jail might be too severe 
on her and might bring on death. At this suggestion, tiny Mrs. 
Nolan pulled herself up on her toes and said with great dignity: 
"Your Honor, I have a nephew fighting for democracy in 
France, He is offering Iiis life for his country. I should be 
ashamed if I did not join these brave women in their fight for 
democracy in America. I should be proud of the honor to die 
in prison for the liberty of American women." Even the judge 

Ined moved by her beautiful and simple spirit. 
In spite of the fact that the women were sentenced to serve 

' 196 



their aentencea in the District Jail, where they would join Misa \ 
Paul and her companions, all save one were immetiiatel^' sent to I 
Occoquan workhouse. 

It had been agreed that the demand to be treated as polit- 
ical prisoners, inaugurated by previous pickets, should be con- 
tinued, and that failing to secure such rights they would unani- 
mously refuse to eat food or do prison labor. 

Any words of mine would be inadequate to tell the story of 
the prisoners' reception at the Occoquan workhouse. The fol- 
lowing is the statement of Mrs. Nolan, dictated upon her re- 
lease, in the presence of Mr. Dudley Field Malone: 

It was about half past seven at night when we got to I 
Occoquan workhouse. A woman [Mrs. Herndon] was stand- -J 
ing behind a desk when we were brought into this ofGce, and ' 
there were five or six men also in the room. Mrs. Lewis, who 
spoke for all of us, . . . said she must speak to Whittaker, 
the superintendent of the place. 

"You'll sit here all night, then," said Mrs. Herndon. 

I saw men begin to come upon the porch, but I didn't thtnk 
anything about it. Mrs. Herndon called my name, but I did 
not answer. ... ] 

Suddenly the door literally burst open and Whittaker j 
burst in like a tornado ; some men followed him. We could see 1 
a crowd of them on the porch. They were not in uniform. 
They looked as much like tramps as anything. They seemed 
to come in — and in — and in. One had a face that made me 
think of an ourang-outang. Mrs. I^wis stood up. Some of i 
us had been sitting and lying on the floor, we were so tired, i 
She had hardly begun to speak, saying we demanded to be ] 
treated as political prisoners, when Whittaker said: 1 

"You shut up. I have men here to handle you." Then he 
shouted, "Seize her!" I turned and saw men spring toward 
her, and then some one screamed, "They have taken Mrs. 

A man sprang at me and caught me by the shoulder. I am 
used to remembering a bad foot, which I have had for years, 
and I remember saying, *"I'll come with you; don't drag me; 


I have a lame foot." But I was jerked down the steps and away 
into the dark. I didn't have my feet on tlie ground. I gauss 
that saved me. I heard Mrs. Cosu, who was being dragged 
along with me, call, "Be careful of your foot." 

Out of doors it was very dark. The building to which they 
took us was lighted up as we came to it. I only remember the 
American flag flying above it because it caught the light from 
a window in the wing. We were rushed into a large room that 
we found opened on a large hall with stone cells on each side. 
They were perfectly dark. Funisliment cells is nhat they call 
them. Mine was filthy. It had no window save a s]ip at the 
top and no furniture but an iron bed covered with a thin straw 
pad, and an open toilet flushed from outside the cell. . . . 

In the hall outside was a man called Captain Reems. He 
had on a uniform and was brandishing a thick stick and 
shouting as we were shoved into the corridor, "Damn you, get 
in here." 

I saw Dorothy Day brought in. She is a frail girl. The 
two men handling ber were twisting her arms above her head. 
Then suddenly they lifted her up and banged her down over 
the arm of an iron bench — twice. As they ran me past, she 
was lying there with her arms out, and we heard one of the 

men yell, "The suff'rager ! My mother ain't no suffrager. 

Ill put you through ." 

At the end of the corridor they pushed rae through a door. 
Then I lost my balance and fell against the iron bed. Mrs. 
Cosu struck the wall. Then they threw in two mats and two 
dirty blankets. There was no light but from the corridor. 
The door was barred from top to bottom. The walls and 
floors were brick or stone cemented over. Mrs. Cosu would 
not let me lie on the floor. She put mc on the couch and 
stretched out on the floor on one of the two pads they threw 
in. We had only Iain there a few minutes, trying to gvi our 
breath, when Mrs, Lewis, doubled over and handled like a sack 
of something, was literally thrown in. Her head struck the 
iron bed. We thought she was dead. She didn't move. We 
were crying over her as we Ufted her to the pad on my bed, 

In wc heard Miss Bums call: 
"Where is Mrs. Nolan P" 
I replied, "I am here." 




Mrs, Coaii called out, *'They have just thrown Mrs. Lewu 
in here, too." 

At this Mr. Whittnker came to the door and told ub not to 
dare to speak, or he would put the brace and bit in our mouths 
and the strait jacket on our bodies. We were so terrified 
we kept very still. Mrs. Lewis was not unconscious; she was 
only stunned. But Mrs. Cosu was desperately ill as the night 
wore on. She had a bad heart attack and was then vomiting. 
We called and called. We asked themlto send our own doctor, 
because wo thought she was dying. . . . They [the guards] 
paid no attention. A cold wind blew in on us from the outside, 
and we three lay there shivering and only half conscious until 

"One at a time, come out," we heard some one call at the 
barred door early in the morning. I went first. I bade them 
both good-by. I didn't know where I was going or whether 
I would ever see them again. Tliey took me to Mr. Whit- 
taker's office, where he called my name. 

"You're Mrs. Mary Nolan," said Wliittaker. 

"You're posted," said I. 

"Are you willing to put on prison dress and go to the 
workroom?" said he. 

I said, "No." 

"Don't you know now that I am Mr. Whittaker, the super- 
intendent?" he asked. 

"Is there any age limit to your workhouse?" I said. 
"Would a woman of seventy-three or a child of two be sent 
' here?" 

I think I made him think. He motioned to the guard. 

"Get a doctor to examine her," he said. 

In the hospital cottage I was met by Mrs. Hcmdon and 
taken to a little room with two white beds and a hospital table, 

"You can lie down if you want to," she said, 

I took off my coat and hat. I just lay down on the bed 
and fell into a kind of .stupor. It was nearly noon and I had 
had no food offered me since the sandwiches our friends brought 
us in the courtroom at noon the day before. 

The doctor came and examined my heart. Then he exam- 
ined my lame foot. It had a long blue bruise above the ankle, 
where they had knocked me as they took me across the night 



before. He asked me what caused the bruise, I said, "Those 
fiends when they dragged mc to the cell last night," It waa 
paining me. He asked if I wanted liniment and I said only hot 
water. They brought that, and I noticed they did not lock 
the door, A negro trusty was there. I fell back again into 
the same stupor. 

The next day they brought me some toast and a plate of 
food, the first I had been offered in over 36 hours. I just 
looked at the food and motioned it away. It made me 
sick. ... I was released on the sixth day and passed the dis- 
pensary as I came out. There were a group of my friends, 
Mrs. Brannan and Mrs. Morey and many others. They had 
on coarse striped dresses and big, grotesque, heavy shoes. I 
burst into tears as they led me away. 

(Signed) Mast I. Nouui. 
LNovember SI, 1917. 

F The day following their commitment to Occoquan Mr. 
O'Brien, of counsel, was directed to see the women, to ascertain 
their condition. Friends and relatives were alarmed, as not a 
line of news had been allowed to penetrate to the world. Mr. 
O'Brien was denied admission and forced to come back to Wash- 
ington without any report whatsoever. 

The next day Mr. O'Brien again attempted to see his clients, 
as did also the mother of Miss Matilda Young, the youngest 
prisoner in Mr. Whittaker's care, and Miss Katherine Morey, 
who went asking to see her mother. Miss Morey was held under 
armed guard half a mile from the prison. Admission was de- 
nied to all of them. 

The terrible anxiety at Headquarters was not relieved the 
third day by a report brought from the workhouse by one of 
the marines stationed at Quantico Station, Virginia, who had 
been summoned to the workhouse on the night the women 
arrived. He brought news that unknown tortures were going 
on, Mr, O'Brien immediately forced his way through by a court 
order, and brought back to Headquarters the astounding news 



of the campaign of terrorism which had started the moment t 
priaoners had arrived, and which was lieing continued at that 
moment. Miss Lucy Burns, who had asssumed responsibilitj' 
for the welfare of the women, had managed to secrete small 
scraps of paper and a tiny pencil, and jot down briefly the day 
by day events at the workhouse. 

This week of brutality, which rivaled old Russia, if it did 
not outstrip it, was almost the blackest page in the Adminis- 
tration's cruel fight against women. 

Here are some of the scraps of Miss Burn's day-by-day log, 
smuggled out of the workliouse. Miss Bums is so gifted a 
writer that I feel apologetic for using these scraps in their raw 
form, but I know she will forgive me. 

Wednesday, November 14. Demanded to see Superin- 
tendent Whittaker. Kcquest refused. Mrs. Hemdon, the 
matron, said we would have to wait up all night. One of the 
men guards said he would "put us in sardine box and put 
mustard on us." Superintendent Whittaker came at 9 p. m. 
He refused to hear our demand for political rights. Seized by 
guards from behind, flung off my feet, and shot out of the 
room. All of us were seized by men guards and dragged to 
cells in men's part. Dorothy D«y was roughly used — back 
twisted. Mrs. Mary A. Nolan (73-year-old picket from Jack- 
sonville, Florida) flung into cell, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis shot 
past my cell. I slept with Dorothy Day in a single bed, I was 
handcuffed all night and manacled to the bars part of the 
time for asking the others how they were, and was threatened 
with a strait jacket and a buckle gag. 

TnuasDAT, NovEMBEK 16. . . . Asked for Whittaket-, who 
came. He seized Julia Emory by the back of her neck and 
threw her into the room very brutally. She is a little girl. I 
asked for counsel to leam the status of the case. I was told 
to "shut up," and was again threatened with a straitjacket 
and a buckle gag. Later I was taken to put on prison clothes, 
refused and resisted strenuously. I was then put in a room 
where delirium tremens patients are kept. 



kthe seventh day, when Miss Lucy Bums and Mrs. Law- 
Lewis were bo weak that Mr. Whittaker feared their 
death, they were forcibly fed and taken immediately to the jail 
in Washington. Of the experience Mrs. Lewis wrote: — 

I was seized and laid on my back, where five people held 
me, a young colored woman leaping upon ray knees, which 
seemed to break under the weight. Dr. Gannon then forced 
the tube through my lips and down my throat, I gasping and 
suffocating with the agony of it. I didn't know where to 
breathe from and everything turned black when the fluid began 
pouring in. I was moaning and making the most awful sounds 
quite against my will, for 1 did not wish to disturb my friends 
in the next room. Finally the tube was withdrawn. I lay 
motionless. After a while I was dressed and carried in a chair 
to a waiting automobile, laid on the back seat and driven into 
Washington to the jail hospital. Previous to the feeding I 
had been forcibly examined by Dr, Gannon, I struggling and 
protesting that I wished a woman physician. 

Of this experience. Miss Bums wrote on tiny scraps of 
paper : 

Wednesday, 12 m. Yesterday afternoon at about four or 
five, Mrs. Lewis and I were asked to go to tiie operating room. 
Went there and found our clothes. Told we were to go to 
Washington, No reason as usual. When we were dressed, Dr, 
Gannon appeared, and said he wished to examine us. Both 
refused. Were dragged through halls by force, our clothing 
partly removed by force, and we were examined, heart tested, 
Mood pressure and pulse taken. Of course such data was of 
no value after such a struggle. Dr. Gannon told me then I 
must be fed. Was stretched on bed, two doctors, matron, four 
colored prisoners present, Whittaker in hall. I was held down 
by five people at legs, arms, and head, I refused to open 
mouth. Gannon pushed tube up left nostril. I turned and 
twisted my head all I could, but he managed to push it up. It 
hurts nose and throat very much and makes nose bleed freely. 
Tube drawn out covered with blood. Operation leaves one 
very sick. Food dumped directly into stomach feels like a ball 



of lead. Left nostril, throftt and muscles of neck very sore a 
night. After this I was brought into the hospital in an ambu- 
lance. Mrs. Lewis and I placed in same room. Slept hardly 
at all. This morning Dr. Ladd appeared with his tube. Mrs. i 
Lewis and I said we would not be forcibly fed. Said he would I 
call in men guards and force us to submit. Went away and I 
we were not fed at all this morning. We hear them outside ^ 
now cracking eggs. 

With Miss Burns and Mrs. Lewis, who were regarded as 
leaders in the hunger strike protest, removed to the district 
jail, Mr. Whittaker and his staff at Occoquan began a sy«-* 
tematic attempt to break down the morale of the hunger 
strikers. Each one was called to the mat and interrogated. 

"Will you work?" — "Will you put on prison clothes?"— 
"Will you eat?" — "Will you stop picketing?" — "Will you go 
without paying your fine and promise never to picket again?" 

How baffled he must have been ! The answer was definite 
and final. Their resistance was superb. 

"One of the few warning incidents during the gray days ol 
our imprisonment was the unexpected sympathy and under- ■ 
standing of one of the government doctors," wrote Miss Betty 
Gram of Portland, Oregon, 

" 'This is the most magnificent sacrifice I have ever seen 
made for a principle [he said]. I never believed that American 
women would care so much about freedom. I have seen women 
in Russia undergo extreme suffering for their ideals, but unless 
I had seen this with my own eyes I never would have believed it. 
My sist«r hunger struck in Russia, where she was imprisoned for 
refusing to reveal the whereabouts of two of her friends indicte<) 
for a government offense. She was fed after three days. You 
girls are on your ninth day of hunger strike and your condition 
is critical. It is a great pity that such women should be sub- 
jected to this treatment. I hope that you will carry your point 
and force the hand of the government soon'," 


Mrb.HarvetW. Wiley 
Mrs. J(jhn Winters Rhaxn 
Mbs. IIf.n-bt BtiireRivoRTB 


Mbh, William Kknt 
Mias Maht Bahtlett Di 

Mbs. C. T, RoBERTaUN 

Miss JuUA Emort 


M1S8 C\TneKi>-E LiNcoui 
Mrs. Eva Detkeb 
Mns. J. H. ^KoBT 
liHsa. Gb-vevie^-e Williams 

Mrs. LiwRENCE Lewis 
Mas. Paila Jakori 
Mrs. L, II. lloKs-sBr 

The mother of Matilda Young, the youngest picket, anx- 
iously appealed to Mr. Tumulty, Secretary to President Wilson, 
and a family friend, to be allowed to see the President and ask 
for a special order to visit her daughter. Failing to secure 
this, she went daily to Mr. Tumulty's office asking if he himself 
would not intercede for her. Mr. Tumulty assured her that 
her daughter was in safe hands, that she need give herself no 
alarm, the stories of the inhuman treatment at Occoquan were 
false, and that she must not believe them. Finally Mrs, Young 
pleaded to be allowed to send additional warm clothing to her 
daugliter, whom she knew to be too lightly clad for the vigorous 
temperature of November. Mr. Tumulty assured her that the 
women were properly clothed, and-refused to permit the cloth- 
ing to be sent. The subsequent stories of the women showed 
what agonies they had endured, because they were inadequately 
clad, from the dampness of the cells into which they were 

Mrs. John Winters Braanan was among the women who en- 
dured the "night of terror." Mrs. Brannan is the daughter of 
Charles A. Dana, founder of the New York Sun and that 
great American patriot of liberty who was a trusted associate 
ind counselor of Abraham Lincoln. Mrs. Brannan, life-long 
suffragist, is an aristocrat of intellect and feeling, who has 
always allied herself with libertarian movements. This was her 
second term of imprisonment. She wrote a comprehensive affi- 
davit of her experience. After narrating the events which led 
up to the attack, she continues: 

Superintendent Whittaker . . . then shouted out in a loud 
tone of voice, "Seize these women, take tliem off, that one, that 
one, — take her off." The guards rushed forward and an almost 
indescribable scene of violent confusion ensued. I . , . saw 
one of the guards seize her [Lucy Burns] by the arms, twist 
or force them back of her, and one or two other guards seize 
her by the shoulders, shaking her violently. . . , 



I then . . . took up my heavy sealskin coat, which was 
lying by, and put it on, in order to prepare myself if attacked. 
... I was trembling at the time and was stunned with terror 
at the situation as it had developed, and said to the super- 
intendent, **I will give my name under protest," and started to 
walk towards the desk whereon lay the books. The superin- 
tendent shouted to nie, "Oh, no, you won't; don't talk about 
protest; I won't have any of that nonsense." 

I . . . saw the guards seizing the different women of the 
party with the utmost violence, the furniture being overturned 
and the room a scene of the utmost disturbance. I saw Miss | 
Lincoln lying on the floor, with every appearance of having { 
just been thrown down by the two guards who were standing.] 
over her in a menacing attitude. Seeing the general disturb-' . 
ance, I gave up all idea of giving my name at the desk, and | 
instinctively joined my companions, to go with them and share . 
whatever was in store for them. The whole group of women ] 
were thrown, dragged or herded out of the office on to the I 
porch, down the steps to the ground, and forced to cross the * 
road ... to the Administration Building. | 

During all of this time, . . . Superintendent Whittaker 
was . . . directing the whole attack. . . . 

. . . All of us were thrown into different cells in the men's 
prison, I being put in one with four other women, the cell con- i 
taining a narrow bed and one chair, which was immediately i 
removed. ... I 

During the time that we were being forced into the cells 
the guards kept up an uproar, shouting, banging the iron 
doors, clanging bars, making a terrifying noise. 

I and one of my companions were lying down on the nar- 
row bed, on which were a blanket and one pillow. The door 
of the cell was opened and a mattress and a blanket being 
thrown in, the door was violently banged to. . . . My other 
. . . companions arranged the mattress on the floor and lay 
down, covering themselves with the blanket. 

... I looked across the corridor and saw Miss Lincoln, 
. . . and asked her whether she was all right, being anxious to 
know whether she had been hurt by the treatment in the oflice j 
building. . . . Instantly Superintendent Whittaker rushed for- 
ward, shouting at me, "Stop that; not another word from your 



mouth, or I will handcuff you, gag you and put you in a 
straitjacket. . . . 

I wish to state again that the ceils into which we were put 
were situated in the men's prison. There was no privacy for 
the women, and if any of us wished to undress we would be 
subject to the view or observation of the guards who remained 
in the corridor and who could at any moment look at us. , . . 
Furthermore, the water closets were in full view of the corridor 
where Superintendent Whittaker and the guards were moving 
about. The flushing of these closets could only be done from 
the corridor, and we were forced to ask the guards to do this 
for us, — the men who had shortly before attacked us. . . . 

None of the matrons or women attendants appeared at any 
time that night. No water was brought to us for washing, no 
food was offered to us. . . . 

I was exhausted by what I had seen and been through, and 
spent the nigiit in absolute terror of further attack and of 
what might still be in store for us. I thought of the young 
girls who were with us and feared for their safety. The guards 
. . . acted brutal in the extreme, incited to their brutal 
conduct towards us, . . , by the superintendent, I thought of 
the offense with which we had been charged, — merely that of 
obstructing traffic, — and felt that the treatment that we had 
received was out of all proportion to the offense with which we 
were charged, and that the superintendent, the matron and 
guards would not have dared to act towards us as they bad 
acted unless they relied upon the support of higher authorities. 
It seemed to me that everything had been done from the time 
we reached the workhouse to terrorize us, and my fear lest the 
extreme of outrage would be worked upon the young girls of 
our party became intense. 

It is impossible for me to describe the terror of that 
night. . . . 

The affidavit then continues with the story of how Mrs. 
Brannan was compelled the following morning to put on prison 
clothes, was given a cup of skimmed milk and a slice of toast, 
and then taken to the sewing room, where she was put to work 
sewing on the undcrdrawers of the male prisoners. 






I was half fainting all of that daj and . . , requested per- 
mission to lie down, feeling so ill. ... I could not sleep, having 
a sense of constant danger. ■ , , I was almost paralyzed and 
in wretched physical condition. 

On Friday afternoon Mrs. Hemdon [matron] . . , led us 
through some woods nearby, for about three-quarters of a. 
mile, seven of us being in the party. We were so exhausted 
and weary that we were obliged to stop constantly to rest. On 
our way back from the walk we heard the baying of hounda 
very near us in the woods. The matron said, "You must hurry, 
the bloodhounds are loose." One of the party, Miss Findeisen, 
asked whether tliey would attack us, to which the matron 
replied, "That is just what they would do," and hurried us 
along. The baying grew louder and nearer at times and then 
more distant, as the dogs rushed back and forth, and this went 
on until we reached the sewing room. The effect of this Upon 
r nerves can better be imagined than described. . . , 

Every conceivable lie was tried in an effort to force the 
1 to abandon their various form of resistance. They were 
told that no efforts were being made from the outside to reach 
them, and that their attorney had been called off the case. 
Each one was told that she was the only one hunger striking. 
Each one was told that all the others had put on prison 
clothes and were working. Although tliey were separated from 
one another they suspected the lies and remained strong in 
their resistance. After Mr, O'Brien's one visit and the sub- 
sequent reports in the press he was thereafter refused admis- 
sion to the workhouse. 

The judge had sentenced these women to the jail, but the 
District Commissioners had ordered them committed to the 
workhouse. It was evident that the Administration was ansious 
to keep this group away from Alice Paul and her companions, 
as they counted on handhng the rebellion more easily in two 
groups than one. 

Meanwhile the condition of the prisoners in the workhouse 
grew steadily worse. It was imperative that we force the Ad- 

ministration to take them out of the custody of Superintendent 
Whittaker immediately. We decided to take the only course 
open — to obtain a writ of habeas corpus. A hurried journey 
by counsel to United States District Judge Waddill of Nor- 
folk, Virginia, brought the writ. It compelled the government 
to bring the prisoners into court and show cause why they 
should not be returned to the district jail. Tliis conservative 
Southern judge said of the petition for the writ, "It is shocking 
and blood-curdling." 

There followed a week more melodramatic than the most 
stirring moving picture film. Although the writ had been ap- 
plied for in the greatest secrecy, a detective suddenly appeared 
to accompany JMr. O'Brien from Washington to Norfolk, dur- 
ing his stay in Norfolk, and back to Washington. Telephone 
wires at our headquarters were tapped. 

It was evident that the Administration was cognizant of 
every move in this procedure before it was executed. No sooner 
was our plan decided upon than friends of the Administration 
besought us to abandon the habeas corpus proceedings. One 
member of the Administration sent an emissary to our head- 
quarters with the following appeal: 

"If you will only drop these proceedings, I can absolutely 
guarantee you that the prisoners will be removed from the 
workhouse to the jail in a week." 

"In a week? They may be dead by that time," we answered, 
"We cannot wait." 

"But I tell you, you must not proceed." 

"Why this mysterious week?" we asked. "Why not to- 
morrow? Why not instantly?" 

"I can only tell you that I have a positive guarantee of the 
District Commissioners that the women will be removed," he 
said in conclusion. We refused to grant his request. 

There were three reasons why the authorities wished for a 
week's time. They were afraid to move the women in their 



weakened condition and before the end of the week they hoped 
to increase their facilities for forcible feeding at the workhouse. 
They also wished to conceal the treatment of the women, the 
exposure of which would be inevitable in any court proceedings. 
And lastly, the Administration was anxious to avoid opening up 
the whole question of the legality of the very existence of the 
workhouse in Virginia. 

Persons convicted in the District for acts committed in 
violation of District law were transported to Virginia — alien 
1. territory — to serve their terms. It was a moot point whether 
prisoners were so treated with sufficient warrant in law. Emi- 
nent jurists held that the District had no right to convict a per- 
son under its laws and commit that person to confinement in 
another state. They contended that sentence imposed upon a 
person for unlawful acts in the District should be executed in 
the District. 

Hundreds of persons who had been convicted in the District 
of Columbia and who had served their sentences in Virginia had 
been without money or influence enough to contest this doubtful 
procedure in the courts. The Administration was alarmed. 

We quickened our pace. A member of the Administration 
rushed his attorney as courier to the women in the workhouse 
to implore them not to consent to the habeas corpus proceed- 
ings. He was easily admitted and tried to extort from one pris- 
oner at a time a promise to reject the plan. The women sus- 
pected his solicitude and refused to make any promise what- 
soever without first being allowed to see their own attorney. 

We began at once to serve the writ. Ordinarily this would 
be an easy thing to do. But for us it developed into a very 
difficult task. A deputy marshal must serve the writ. Counsel 
sought a deputy. For miles around Washington, not one was 
to be found at his home or lodgings. None could be reached 
by telephone. 

Meanwhile Mr. Whittaker had sped from the premises of 

Top—iUs>t KuzAUETiT Kalb on- Stretcheu' 

Centrr—itUas Kate Heffelfin'ger Bhoight to HEAoqVAKTERS 

nT iMi. AlTESnANT 

Loiter — Mrs. I.^wbence Lewis Asbistbd rmn* Ambi'i^nik 



the workhouse to the District, where he kept himself discreetly 
hidden for several days. When a deputy was found, six at« 
tempts were made to serve the writ. All failed. Finally by a 
ruse, Mr. Whittaker was caught at his home late at night. He 
was aroused to a state of violent temper and made futile threats 
of reprisal when he learned that he must produce the suffrage 
prisoners at the Court in Alexandria, Virginia, on the day of 
November twenty-third. 




Grest passions when they run throu^ a whole population, inevitably find 
B greal spokesman. A people cannot remain dumb which Is moved by pro- 
found Impulses of eonviction; and when spoliesmen nnd leaders are found, 
effective concert of action seems to follow as naturally. Men spring to- 
getlier for common action under a common impulse which htts taken hold 
upon their very natures, and governments presently find that they have 
those to rcekon with who know not only what they want, but also the most 
effective means of making governments uncomfortable until they get It. 
Governments find themselves, in short. In the presence of A^latiaa, of sys- 
tematic movements of opinion, which do not merely flare up in spasmodie 
flames and then die down again, but burn witli an accumulating ardor which 
can be checked and extinguished only by removing the grievances and etlxil- 
ishing the unacceptable institutions which are its fiiel. Casual discontent 
can be allayed, but agitation fixed upon conviction cannot be. To fight 
it is merely to augment its force. It hums Irreprcssibly In every pub- 
lic assembly; quiet it there, and it gathers head nt street corners; drive it 
thence, and it smoulders In private dwellings, ui social gatherings, in every 
covert of talk, only to break forth more violently than ever because denied 
vent and air. It must be reckoned with. . . . 

Governments have been very resourceful in parrying agilalion, in divert- 
ing it, in seeming to yield to It, and Ihen cheating it of its objects, in tiring 
it out or evading it. . . . But the end, whether It cinnes soon or late, is 
qnlte certidn to be always the same. 

— "Conttitutumal Oovernment in the UitHed Blattt." 
WooDSow WiiaoN, Ph.D., LL.Dt 
President of Princeton University. 


HE special session of the 65th Congress, known as the 
"War Congress," adjourned in October, 1917, having 
passed every measure recommended as a war measure 
by the President. 

In addition, it found time to protect by law migratory 

birds, to appropriate forty-seven million dollars for deepening 

rivers and harbors, and to establish more federal judgeships. 

No honest person would say that lack of time and pressure of 



war legislation had prevented its consideration of the BufFrage 
tneasiirc. If onc-hundrcdth part of the time consumed by its 
members in spreading the wings of the overworked eagle, and 
in uttering to bored ears "home-made" patriotic verse, had 
been spent in considering the liberty of women, this important 
legislation could have been dealt with, Weet after week Con- 
gress met only for three days, and then often merely for prayer 
and a few hours of purposeless talking. 

We had asked for liberty, and had got a suffrage com- 
mittee appointed in the House to consider the pros and cons of 
suffrage, and a favorable report in the Senate from the Com- 
mittee on Woman Suffrage, nothing more. 

On the very day and hour of the adjournment of the special 
session of the War Congress, Alice Paul led eleven women to 
the White House gates to protest against the Administration's 
allowing its lawmakers to go home without action on the suf- 
frage amendment. 

Two days later Alice Paul and her colleagues were put on 

Many times during previous trials I had heard the District 
Attorney for the government shake his finger at Miss Paul and 
say, "Well get you yet. . . . Just wait ; and when we do, we'll 
give you a year!" 

It was reported from very authentic sources that Attorney 
General Gregory had, earlier in the agitation, seriously con- 
sidered arresting Miss Paul for the Administration, on the 
charge of conspiracy to break the law. We were told this plan 
was abandoned because, as one of the Attorney General's staff 
put it, "No jury would convict her." 

However, here she was in their hands, in the courtroom- 
Proceedings opened with the customary formality. The 
eleven prisoners sat silently at the bar, reading their morning 
papers, or a book, or enjoying a moment of luxurious idleness, 
oblivious of the comical movements of a perturbed court. 



Nothing in the world so haffles tlie pompous dignity of a coOT^ 
as non-resistant defendants. The judge cleared his throat and 
the attendants made meaningless gestures. 

"Will the prisoners stand up and be sworn?" 

' They will not. 

* "Will they question witnesaes?" 

I . They will not. 

"Will they speak in their own behalf?" 
The slender, quiet-voiced Quaker girl arose from her seat. 
The crowded courtroom pressed forward breathlessly. She 
said calmly and with unconcern: "We do not wish to make 
any plea before this court. We do not consider ourselves sub- 
ject to this court, since as an unenfranchised class we have 
nothing to do with the making of the laws which have put us 
in this position." 

What a disconcerting attitude to take! Miss Paul sat 
down as quietly and unexpectedly as she had arisen. The judge 
moved uneasily in his chair. The gentle way in which it was 
said was disarming. Would the judge hold them in contempt? 
He had not time to think. His part of the comedy he had 
expected to run smoothly, and here was this defiant little 
woman calmly stating that we were not subject to the court, 
and that we would therefore have nothing to do with the pro- 
ceedings. The murmurs had grown to a babel of conversation. 
A sharp rap of the gavel restored order and permitted Judge 
Mullowny to say: "Unfortunately, I am here to support tlie 
laws that are made by Congress, and, of course, I am bound 
by those laws ; and you are bound by them as long as you live 
in this country, notwithstanding the fact that you do not 
pe cognize the law." 

Everybody strained his ears for the sentence. The Admm* 
istration had threatened to "get" the leader. Would they 

Another pause! 



"I shall suspend sentence for the time being," came BOlemnlj 
from the judge. 

Was it that they did not dare confine Miss Paul? Were 
they beginning actually to perceive the real strength of the 
movement and the protest that would be aroused if she were 
imprisoned? Again we thought perhaps this marked the end 
of the jailing of women. 

But though the pickets were released on suspended sen- 
tences, there was no indication of any purpose on the part of 
the Administration of acting on the amendment. Two groups, 
some of those on suspended sentence, others first offenders, J 

again marched to the White House gates. The following 

I The time has comk to conouek or subbut; fob 



a quotation from the President's second Liberty Loan appeal, 
was carried by Miss Paul. 

Dr. Caroline E. Spencer of Colorado carried: 

Resistance to TrSANNT ts obedience to Goq. 

1 were brought to trial again. 

The trial of Miss Paul's group ran as follows : 

Ma, Habt (Prosecuting Attorney for the Government): 
Sergeant Lee, were you on Pennsylvania Avenue near the White 
House Saturday afternoon? 

Sergeant Lee: I was, 

Mr. Hart: At what time? 

I^e: About •1:35 in the afternoon. 

Hart: Tell the court what you saw. 

Lee: a little after half-past four, when the department 
clerks were all going home out Pennsylvania Avenue, I saw four 



suffragettes coming down Madison Place, cross the Avenue and 
continue on Pennsylvania Avenue to the gate of the White 
House, where they divided two on the right and two on the left 
side of the gate. 

Haet: What did you do? 

Lee: I made my way through the crowd that was sur- 
rounding them and told the ladies they were violating the law 
hy itanding at the gates, and wouldn't they please move on? 

Haet: Did they move on? 

Les: They did not; and they didn't answer either. 

Hart: What did you do then? 

Lxe: I placed them under arrest, 

Hast : What did you do then ? 

Lee : / aslced the crowd to move on, 

Mr. Hart then arose and summing up said; "Your Honor, 
these women have said that they wUl picket again. 1 ask jou 
to impose the maximum sentence." 

Such confused legal logic was indeed drole! 

"You ladies seem to feel that we discriminate in malting 
arrests and in sentencing you," said the judge heavily, "The 
result is that you force me to take the most drastic means in 
my power to compel you to obey the law," 

More legal confusion ! 

"Six months," said the judge to the first offenders, "and 
then you will serve one month more," to the others. 

Miss Paul's parting remark to the reporters who inter- 
cepted her on her way from the courtroom to begin her seven 
months' sentence was : 

"We are being imprisoned, not because we obstructed traf- 
fic, but because we pointed out to the President the fact that 
he was obstructing tlie cause of democracy at home, while 
Americans were fighting for it abroad," 

I am going to lot Alice Paul tell her own story, as she 
related it to me one day after her release; 


It was late afternoon when we arrived at the jail. There 
we found the sufTragista who had preceded us, locked in cells. 

The first thing I remember was the distress of the prisoners 
about the lack of fresh air. Evening was approaching, every 
window was closed tight. The air in w)iich we would be obliged 
to sleep was foul. There were about eighty negro and white 
prisoners crowded together, tier upon tier, frequently two in a 
cell. I went to a window and tried to open it. Instantly a 
group of men. prison guards, appeared; picked me up bodily, 
threw me into a cell and locked the door. Rose Winslow and 
the others were treated in the same way. 

Determined to preserve our health and that of the other 
prisoners, we began a concerted fight for fresh air. The win- 
dows were about twenty feet distant from the cells, and two 
sets of iron bars intervened between us and the windows, but 
we instituted an attack upon them as best we could. Our tin 
* drinking cups, the electric light bulbs, every available article 
of the meagre supply in each cell, including my treasured copy 
of Browning's poems which I had secretly taken in with me, 
was thrown through the windows. By this simultaneous attack 
from every cell, we succeeded in breaking one window before 
our supply of tiny weapons was exhausted. The fresh October 
air came in like an exhilarating gale. The broken window re- 
mained untouched throughout the entire stay of this group 
and all later groups of suffragists. Thus was won what the 
"regulars" in jail called the first breath of air in their time. 

The next day we organized ourselves into a little group for 
the purpose of rebellion, VVe determined to make it impossible 
to keep us in jaU. We determined, moreover, that as long as 
wo were there we would keep up an unremitting fight for the 
rights of political prisoners. 

One by one little points were conceded to quiet resistance. 
There was the practice of sweeping the corridors in such a way 
that the dust filled the cells. The prisoners would be choking 
to the gasping point, as they sat, helpless, locked in the cells, 
while a great cloud of dust enveloped them from tiers above 
and below. As soon as our tin drinking cups, which were 
sacrificed in our attack upon the windows, were restored to us, 
we instituted a campaign against the dust. Tin cup after tin 
cup was filled and its contents thrown out into the corridor 





from every cell, so that the water began lo trickle down from 
tier to tier. The IMstrict Commissioners, the Board of Chai^ 
ities, and other officials were summoned by the prison authori- 
ties. Hurried consultations were held. Nameless officials passed 
by in review and looked upon the dampened floor. Thereafter 
tJie corridors were dampened and the sweeping into the cella 
ceased. And so another reform was won. 

There is absolutely no privacy allowed a prisoner in a cell. 
You are suddAily peered at by curious strangers, who look 
in at you all hours of the day and night, by officials, by attend- 
ants, by interested philanthropic visitors, and by prison re- 
formers, until one's sense of privacy is so outraged that one 
rises in rebellion, We set out to secure privacy, but we did 
not succeed, for, to allow privacy in prison, is against all in- 
stitutional thought and habit. Our only available weapon was 
our blanket, which was no sooner put in front of our bars 
than it was forcibly taken down by Warden Zinkhan. 

Our meals had consisted of a little almost raw salt pork, 
some sort of liquid — I am not sure whether it was coffee or 
soup — bread and occasionally molasses. How we cherished the 
bread and molasses! We saved it from meal to meal so as to 
try to distribute the nourishment over a longer period, as 
almost every one was unable to eat the raw pork. Lucy 
Branham, who was more valiant than the rest of us, called out 
from her cell, one day, "Shut your eyes tight, close your mouth 
over the pork and swallow it without chewing it. Then you 
can do it." This heroic practice kept Miss Branham in fairly 
good health, but to the rest it seemed impossible, even with our 
eyes closed, to crunch our teeth into the raw pork. 

However gaily you start out in prison to keep up a rebel- 
lious protest, it is nevertheless a terribly difficult thing to do 
in the face of the constant cold and hunger of undernourish- 
ment. Bread and water, and occasional molasses, is not a diet 
destined to sustain rebellion long. And soon weakness over^ 
took us. 

At the end of two weeks of solitary conflnement, without 
any exercise, without going outside of our cells, some of the 
prisoners were released, having finished their terms, but five 
of us were left serving seven months' sentences, and two, one 
month sentences. With our number thus diminished to seven, 



the authorities felt able to cope yHih us. The doors were un- 
locked aad we were permitted to take exercise. Rose Winslow 
fainted as soon as she got into the yard, and was carried back 
to her cell. I was too weak to move from my bed. Rose and I 
were taken on stretchers that night to the hospital. 

For one brief night we occupied beds in the same ward in 
the hospital. Here we decided upon the hunger strike, as the 
ultimate form of protest left us— the strongest weapon left 
with which to continue within the prison our battle against the 
Administ ra tion . 

Miss Paul was held absolutely incommunicado in the prison 
hospital. No attorney, no member of her family, no friend 
could see her. With Miss Bums in prison also it became 
imperative that I consult Miss Paul as to a matter of policy. 
I was peremptorily refused admission by Warden Zinkhan, so 
I decided to attempt to communicate with her from below her 
window. Tliis was before we had established what in prison 
parlance is known as the "grape-vine route." The grape-vine 
route consists of smugghng messages oral or written via a 
friendly guard or prisoner who has access to the outside 

Just before twilight, I hurried in a taxi to the far-away 
spot, temporarily abandoned the cab and walked past the 
dismal cemetery which skirts the prison grounds. I had forti- 
fied myself with a diagram of the grounds, and knew which 
entrance to attempt, in order to get to the hospital wing where 
Miss Paul lay. We had also ascertained her floor and room. 
I must first pick the right building, proceed to the proper 
comer, and finally select the proper window. 

The sympathetic chauffeur loaned me a very seedy looking 
overcoat which 1 wrapped about me. Having deposited my hat 
inside the cab, I turned up the collar, drew in mr chin and 
began surreptitiously to circle the devious paths leading to a 
side entrance of the grounds. My heart was palpitating, for 
the authorities had threatened arrest if any suffragists wer« 


found on the prison grounds, and aside from my personal feel- 
ings, I could not at tliat moment abundon headquarters. 

Making a desperate effort to act like an experienced and 
trusted attendant of tlie prison, I roamed about and tried not 
to appear roaming. I successfully passed two guards, and 
reached the desired spot, wliicli was by good luck temporarily 
deserted. I succeeded in calling up loudly enough to be heard 
by Miss Paul, but softly enough not to be beard by the guards. 

I shall never forget the shock of her appearance at that 
window in the gathering duslt. Everything m the world 
seemed black-gray except her ghost-bke face, so startling, so 
inaccessible. It drove everything else from my mind for an 
instant. But as usual she was in complete control of herself. 
She began to hurl questions at me faster than I could answer. 
"How were the convention plans progressmg?" . . . "Had the 
speakers been secured for the mass meeting?" . . , "How many 
women had signed up to go out o 



1 the next picket lin 
; frightful," said I. "We are 

"Conditions at Occoquai 
planning to . . ." 

"Get out of there, and move quickly," shouted the guard, 
who came abruptly around the corner of the building. I tried 
to finish my message. "We are planning to habeas corpus the 
women out of Occoquan and have them transferred up here." 

"Get out of there, I tell you. Damn you !" By this time 
he was upon me. He grabbed me by the arm and began shaking 
me. "You will be arrested if you do not get off these grounds." 
He continued to shake me whUe I shouted back, "Do you 
approve of this plan?" 

I was being forced along so rapidly that I was out of range 
of her faint voice and could not hear the answer. I plead with 
the guard to be allowed to go back quietly and speak a few 
more words with Miss Paul, but he was inflexible. Once out of 
the grounds I went unnoticed to the cemetery and sat on a 


tombstone to wait a. little while before making another attempt, 
hoping the guard would not expect me to come back. The 
lights were beginning to twinkle in the distance and it was 
now almost total darkness, I consulted my watch and realized 
that in forty minutes Miss Paul and her comrades would again 
be going through the torture of forcible feeding. I waited five 
minutes — ten minutes — fifteen minutes. Then I went back to 
the grounds again. I started through another entrance, but 
had proceeded only a few paces when I was forcibly evicted. 
Again I returned to the cold tombstone. I believe that I never 
in my life felt more utterly nuserable and impotent. There 
were times, as I have said, when we felt inordinately strong. 
This was one of the times when I felt that we were frail reeds 
in the hands of cruel and powerful oppressors. My thoughts 
were at first with Alice Paul, at that moment being forcibly fed 
by men jailers and men doctors. I remembered then the man 
warden who liad refused the highly reasonable request to visit 
her, and my thoughts kept right on up the scale till I got to the 
man-President— -the pinnacle of power against us. I was 
indeed desolate. I walked back to the hidden tasi, hurried to 
headquarters, and plunged into my work, trying all niglit to 
convince myself that the sting of my wretchedness was being 
mitigated by activity toward a release from this state of 

Later we established daily communication with Miss Paul 
through one of the charwomen who scrubbed the hospital floors. 
She carried paper and pencil carefully concealed upon her. 
On entering Miss Paul's room she would, with very comical 
stealth, first elaborately push Miss Paul's bed against the door, 
then crawl practically under it, and pass from this point of 
concealment the covcteil paper and pencil. Then she would 
linger over the floor to the last second, imploring Miss Paul to 
hasten her writing. Faithfully every evening this silent, dusky 



messenger made her long journey after her day's work, and 
patiently waited while I wrote an answering note to be deliv- 
ered to Miss Paul the following morning. Thus it was that 
while in the hospital Miss Paul directed our campaign, in spite 
of the Administration's most painstaking plans to the con- 

Miss Paul's story continues here fronj the point where I 
interrupted it. 

From the moment we undertook the hunger strike, a policy 
of unremitting intimidation began. One authority after an- 
other, high and low, in and out of prison, came to attempt to 
force me to break the hunger strike. 

"You will be taken to a very unpleasant place if you don't 
stop this," was a favorite threat of the prison officials, as they 
would hint vaguely of the psycopathic ward, and St. Eliza- 
beth's, the Government insane asylum. They alternately bul- 
' lied and hinted. Another threat was "You will be forcibly fed 
immediately if you don't stop" — this from Dr. Gannon. There 
Was nothing to do in the midst of these continuous threats, 
with always the "very unpleasant place" hanging over me, and ' 
BO I lay perfectly silent on my bed. 

After about three days of the hunger strike a man entered 
my room in the hospital and announced himself as Dr. White, 
the head of St. Elizabeth's. He said that he had been asked 
by District Commissioner Gardner to make an investigation. I 
later learned that he was Dr. William A. White, the eminent 

Coming close to my bedside and addressing the attendant, 
who stood at a few respectful paces from him. Dr. White said: 
"Docs this case talk?" 

"Why wouldn't I talk?" I answered quickly. 

"Oh, these cases frequently will not talk, you know," he 
continued in explanation. 

"Indeed I'll talk," I said gaily, not having the faintest idea 
that this was an investigation of my sanity. 

"Talking is our business," I continued, "we talk to any one 
on earth who is willing to listen to our suffrage speeches." 

"Please talk," said Dr. White. "Tell me about suffrage; 


why you have opposed tlie President ; the whole history of your 
campaign, why you picket, what you hope to accompiish by it. 
Just talk freely." 

I drew myself togetlier, sat upright in bed, propped myself 
Up for a discourse of some length, and began to talk. The 
stenographer whom Ur, Wliite brought with him took down in 
shorthand everything that was said. 

I may say it was one of the best speeches I ever made. I 
recited the long history and struggle of the suffrage movement 
from its early beginning and narrated the political theory 
of our activities up to the present moment, outlining the status 
of the suffrage amendment in Congress at that time. In short, 
I told him everything. He listened attentively, interrupting 
only occasionally to say, "But, has not President Wilson 
treated you women very badly.^" Whereupon, I, still unaware 
that I was being examined, launched forth into an explanation 
of Mr. Wilson's political situation and the difficulties he had 
confronting him. I continued to explain why we felt our relief 
lay with him; I cited his extraordinary power, his influence 
over his party, his undisputed leadership in the country, always 
painstakingly explaining that we opposed President Wilson 
merely because he happened to be President, not because he was 
President Wilson, Again came an interruption from Dr. White, 
"But isn't President Wilson directly responsible for the abuses 
and indignities which have been heaped upon you? You are 
suffering now as a result of his brutality, are you not?" Again 
I explained that it was impossible for us to know whether Presi- 
dent Wilson was personally acquainted in any detail with 
the facts of our present condition, even though we knew 
that he had concurred in the early decision to arrest our 

Presently Dr. White took out a small light and held it up 
to my eyes. Suddenly it dawned upon mc that he was exam- 
ining me personally ; that his interest in the suffrage agitation 
and the jail conditions did not exist, and that he was merely 
interested in my reactions to the agitation and to jail. Even 
then I was reluctant to believe that I was the subject of mental 
investigation and I continued to talk. 

But he continued in what I realized with a sudden shocVi 
was an attempt to discover in me symptoms of the persecution 


mania. How simple he had apparently tliought it would be, 
to prove that I had an obsession on the subject of President 
Wilson ! 

The daj following he came again, this time bringing with 
him the District Commissioner, Mr. Gardner, to whom he asked 
mo to repeat everytliing that had been said the day before. 
For the second time we went through the history of the suffrage 
movement, and again his inquiry suggested his persecution 
mania clue? When the narrative touched upon the President 
and his responsibility for the obstruction of the suffrage 
amendment, Dr. White would turn to his associate with the 
remark: "Niote the reaction." 

Then came another alienist. Dr. Hickling, attached to the 
psychopathic ward in the District Jail, with more threats and 
suggestions, if the hunger strike continued. Finally they de- 
parted, and I was left to wonder what would happen nest. 
Doubtless my sense of humor helped me, but I confess I was 
not without fear of this mysterious place which they continued 
to threaten. 

It appeared clear that it was their intention either to dis- 
credit me, as the leader of the agitation, by casting doubt upon 
my sanity, or else to intimidate us into retreating from the 
hunger strike. 

After the examination by alienists, Commissioner Gardner, 
with whom I had previously discussed our demand for treat- 
ment as political prisoners, made another visit. "All these 
things you say about the prison conditions may be true," said 
Mr, Gardner, "I am a new Commissioner, and I do not know. 
You give an account of a very serious situation in the jail. 
The jail authorities give exactly the opposite. Now I promise 
you we will start an investigation at once to see who is right, 
you or they. If it is found you are right, we shall correct the 
conditions at once. If you will give up the hunger strike, we 
will start the investigation at once," 

"Will you consent to treat the suffragists as political pris- 
oners, in accordance with the demands laid before you?" I 

Commissioner Gardner refused, and I told him that the 
hunger strike would not be abandoned. But they had by no 
means exhausted every possible facility for breaking down our 


resistance. I overheard the Commissioner say to Dr, Gannon 
on leaving, "Go ahead, take her and feed her." 

I was thereupon put upon a stretcher and carried into the 
psycopathic ward. 

• • * • 

There were two windows in the room. Dr. Gannon immedi- 
ately ordered one window nailed from top to bottnin. He then 
ordered the door leading into the hallway taken down and an 
iron-barred cell door put in its place. He departed witii the 
command to a nurse to "observe her." 

Following this direction, all through the day once every 
hour, the nurse came to "observe" me. All through the night, 
once every hour she came in, turned on an electric light sharp 
in my face, and "observed" me. This ordeal was the most 
terrible torture, as it prevented my sleeping for more than a 
few minutes at a time. And if I did finally get to sleep it was 
only to be shocked immediately into wide-awakeness with the 
pitiless light. 

Dr. Hickling, the jail alienist, also came often to "observe" 
me. Commissioner Gardner and others — doubtless officials — 
came to peer through my barred door. 

One day a young interne came to take a blood test, I pro- 
tested mildly, saying that it was unnecessary and that I ob- 
jected. "Oh, well," said the young doctor with a sneer and a 
supercilious shrug, "you know you're not mentally competent 
to decide such things." And the test was taken over my 

It is scarcely possible to convey to you one's reaction to 
such an atmosphere. Here I was surrounded bv people on their 
way to the insane asylum. Some were waiting for their commit- 
ment papers. Others had just gotten them. And all the while 
everything possible was done to attempt to make me feel that 
I too was a "mental patient." 

At this time forcible feeding began in the District Jail. 
Miss Paul and Miss Winslow, the first two suffragists to under- 
take the hunger strike, went through the operation of forcible 
feeding this day and three times a day on each succeeding 
day until their release from prison three weeks later. The 




hunger strike spread immediately to other suffrage prisonen 
in the jail and to the workhouse as recorded in the preceding 


One morning [Miss Paul's etory continues] the friendly 
face of a kindly old man standing on top of a ladder suddenly 
appeared at my window. He began to nail heavy boards across 
the window from the outside. He smiled and spoke a few kind 
words and told me to be of good cheer. He confided to me in 
a sweet and gentle way that he was In prison for drinking, that i 
he had been in many times, but that he believed he iiad never 
seen anything so inhuman as boarding up this window and 
depriving a prisoner of light and air. There was only time for 
a few hurried moments of conversation, as I lay upon my bed 
watching the boards go up until his figure was completely 
hidden and I heard him descending the ladder. 

After this window had been boarded up no light came into 
the room except through the top half of the other window, and 
almost no air. The authorities seemed determined to deprive 
me of air and light. 

Meanwhile in those gray, long days, the mental patients in 
thi> psycopathic ward came and peered through my barred 
door. At night, in the early morning, all through the day 
there were cries and shrieks and moans from the patients. It 
was terrifying. One particularly melancholy moan used to 
keep up hour after hour, with the regularity of a lieart beat. 
I said to myself, "Now 1 have to endure this. I have got to 
live through this somehow. I'll pretend these moans are the 
noise of an elevated train, beginning faintly in the distance and 
getting louder as it comes nearer." Such childish devices were 
helpful to me. 

The nurses could not have been more beautiful m their 
spirit and offered every kindness. But imagine being greeted 
in the morning by a kindly nurse, a new one who had just 
come on duty, with, "I know you are not insane." The nurses 
explained the procedure of sending a person to the insane 
asylum. Two alienists examine a patient in the psycopathic 
ward, sign an order committing the patient to St, Elizabeth's 
Asylum, and there the patient is sent at the end of one week. 


\o trial, Qo counsel, no protest from the outside vorld! Thia 
was the customary procedure. 

I bepan to think as the week wore on that this was prob- 
ably their plan for me. I could not see my family or friends; 
counsel was denied me; I saw no other prisoners and heard 
nothing of them; I could see no papers; I was entirely in the 
hands of alienists, prison officials and hospital staff. 

I believe I have never in my life before feared anything or 
any human bcuig. But I confess 1 was afraid of Dr. Gannon, 
the jail physician. I dreaded the hour of his visit. 

"I will show you who rules this place. You think you do. 

But I will show you that you are wrong." Some such friendly 

greeting as this was frequent from Dr. Gannon on his daily 

round. "Anything you desire, you shall not have. I will show 

\ you who is on top in this institution," was his attitude. 

After nearly a week had passed, Dudley Field Malone 
finally succeeded in forcing an entrance by an appeal to court 
officials and made a vigorous protest against confining me in 
the psychopathic ward. He demanded also that the boards 
( covering the window be taken down. This was promptly done 
and again the friendly face of the old man became visible, as 
the first board disappeared. 

"I thought when I put this up America would not stand 
for this long.'' he said, and began to assure me that nothing 
dreadful would happen, I cherish the memory of that sweet 
old man. 

The day after Mr. Malono's threat of court proceedings, 
the seventh day of my stay in the psychopathic ward, the at- 
tendants suddenly appeared with a stretcher. I did not know 
whitlier I was being taken, to the insane asylum, as threatened, 
or back to the hospital — one never knows in prison where one 
is being taken, no reason is ever given for anything. It turned 
out to ^ the hospital. 

• « • • 

After another week spent by Miss Paul on hunger strike in 
the hospital, the Administration was forced to capitulate. The 
doors of the jail were suddenly opened, and all suffrage pris- 

Irs were released. 
With extraordinary swiftness the Administration's almost 



incredible policy of intimidation had collapsed. Miss Paul had 
been given the maximum sentence of seven months, and at the 
end of five weeks the Administration was forced to acknowledge 
defeat. They wore in a most unenviable position. If she and 
her comrades had offended in such degree as to warrant so 
cruel a sentence, (with such base stupidity on their part in 
administering it) she most certainly deserved to be detained 
for the full sentence. The trutli is, every idea of theirs had 
been subordinated to the one desire of stopping the picketing 
agitation. To this end they had exhausted all their weapons 
of force. 

From my conversation and correspondence with Dr. White, 
it is clear that as an alienist he did not make the slightest alle- 
gation to warrant removing Miss Paul to the psychopathic 
ward. On the contrary he wrote, "I felt myself in the presence 
of an unusually gifted personality" and . . . "she was won- 
derfully alert and keen , . . possessed of an absolute convic- 
tion of her cause . . . with industry and courage sufficient to 
avail herself of them [all diplomatic possibilities]. He praised 
the "most admirable, coherent, logical and forceful way" in 
which she discussed with him the purpose of our campaign. 

And yet the Administration put her in thr ptycftopathic 
ward and threatened her with the insajie a»ylu/m. 

An interesting incident occurred during the latter part of 
Miss Paul's imprisonment. Having been cut off entirely from 
outside communication, she was greatly surprised one night at 
a late hour to find a newspaper man admitted for an interview 
with her. Mr. David Lawrence, then generally accepted as the 
Administration journalist, and one who wrote for the various 
newspapers throughout the country defending tlie policies of 
the Wilson Administration, was announced. It was equally 
well known that this correspondent's habit was to ascertain 
the position of the leaders on important questions, keeping inti- 


mately in touch with oplaion in White House circles at the 
same time. 

Mr, Lawrence came, as he said, of his own volition, and not 
as an emissary from the White House. But in view of his close 
relation to afTaJrs, his interview is signilicant as possibly re- 
flecting an Administration attitude at that point in the 

The conversation with Miss Paul revolved first about our 
fight for the right of political prisoners. Miss Paul outlining 
the wisdom and justice of this demand. 

"The Administration could very easily hire a comfortable 
house in Washington and detain you all there," said Mr. Law- 
rence, "but don't you see that your demand to be treated as 
political prisoners is infinitely more difficult to grant than to 
give you the federal suffrage amendment? If wc give you 
these privileges we shall have to extend them to conscientious 
objectors and to all prisoners now confined for political opin- 
ions. This the Administration cannot do." 

The political prisoners protest, then, had actually encour- 
aged the Administration to choose the lesser of two evils — 
some action on behalf of the amendment. 

"Suppose," continued Mr. Lawrence, "the Administration 
should pass the amendment through one house of Congress next 
session and go to the country in the 1918 elections on that 
record and if sustained in it, pass it through the other house 
a year from now. Would you then agree to abandon picket- 

"Nothing short of tlie passage of the amendment through 
Congress will end our agitation," Miss Paul quietly answered 
for the thousandth time. 

Since Mr. Lawrence disavows any connection with the Ad- 
ministration in this interview, I can only remark that events 
followed exactly in the order he outlined; that is, the Admin- 


istration attempted to satisfy the women by putting the amend- 
ment through the House and not through the Senate. 

It was during Miss Paul's imprisonment that the forty-one 
women went in protest to the picket line and were sent to the 
workhouse, as narrated in the previous chapter. The terrorism 
they endured at Occoquan ran simultaneously with the at- 
tempted intimidation of Miss Paul and her group in the jail. 



IN August, 1917, when it waa clear that the policy of im- 
prisoning suffragists would be continued indefinitely, and 
under longer sentences, the next three groups of pickets 
to be arrested asked for a decision from the higliest court, the 
District Court of Appeals, Unlike other police courts in the 
country, there is no absolute right of appeal from the Police 
Court of the District of Columbia. Justice Robb, of the Dis- 
trict Court of Appeals, after granting two appeals, refused to 
grant any more, upon the ground that he had discretionary 
power to grant or withhold an appeal. When further right of 
appeal was denied us, and when the Administration persisted 
in arresting us, we were compelled either to stop picketing or 
go to prison. 

The first appealed case was heard by the Court of Appeals 
on January 8, 1918, and the decision' handed down in favor 
of the defendants on March +, 1918. This decision was con- 
curred in by all three judges, one of whom was appointed by 
President Wilson, a second by President Koosevelt and the 
third by President Taft. 

In effect the decision declared that every one of the 818 
suffragists arrested up to that time was illegally arrested, 
illegally convicted, and illegally imprisoned. The whole policy 
of the Administration in arresting women was by this decision 
held up to the world as lawless. The women could, if they had 
chosen, have filed suits for damages for false arrest and im- 
prisonment at once. 
^^U >See HuDUr vs. District of Columbto. 4T App. Cu. <D. C) p. «». 




The appeal cases of the other pickets were ordered dis- 
missed and stricken from the records. Dudley Field M&loae 
was chief counsel in the appeal. 

Another example of ethical, if not legal lawlessness, was 
shown by the Administration in the following incident. 
Throughout the summer and early autumn we had continued to 
press for an investigation of conditions at Occoquan, promised 
almost four months earlier. 

October 2nd was the date finally set for an investigation 
to be held in the District Building before the District Board 
of Charities, Armed with 18 affidavits and a score of witnesses 
as to the actual conditions at Occoquan, Attorney Samuel C. 
Brent and Judge J, K. N. Norton, both of Alexandria, Vir- 
ginia, acting as counsel with Mr. Malone, appeared before the 
Board on the opening day and asked to be allowed to present 
their evidence. They were told by the Board conducting the 
investigation that this was merely "an inquiry into the work- 
house conditions and therefore would be held in secret without 
reporters or outsiders present," The attorneys demanded a 
public hearing, and insisted that the question was of such mo- 
mentous importance that the public was entitled to hear both 
sides of it. They were told they might submit in writing any 
evidence they wished to bring before the Board. They refused 
to produce testimony for a "star chamber proceeding," and 
refused to allow their witnesses to be heard unless they could 
be heard in public. 

Unable to get a public hearing, counsel left the following 
letter with the President of the Board: 

Hon. John Joy Edson, 

President Board of Charities, 
Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: — We are counsel for a large group of citizens, 
men and women, who have in the past been associated with 
Occoquan work house as officials or inmates and who are ready 


to testify to unspeakable conditions of mismanagemeiit, graft, 
sanitary depravity, indignity and brutality at the institution. 

We are glad you are to conduct this long-needed inquiry 
and flhall cooperate in every way to get at the truth of con- 
ditions in Oceoquan through your investigation, provided j'ou 
make the hearings public, subpcena all available witnesses, in- 
cluding men and women now prisoners at Oceoquan, first grant- 
ing them immunity, and provided you give counsel an oppor- 
tunity to examine and cross examine all witnesses so called. 

We are confident your honorable board will see the justice 
and wisdom of a public inquiry. If charges so publicly made 
are untrue the management of Oceoquan work house is entitled 
to public vindication, and if these charges are true, the people 
of Washington and Virginia should publicly know what kind of 
a prison they have in their midst, and the people of the country 
should publicly know the frightful conditions in this institu- 
tion which is supported by Congress and the government of 
the United States. 

We are ready with our witnesses and affidavits to aid jbur 
honorable board in every way, provided you meet the condi- 
tions above named. But if you insist on a hearing behind 
closed doors wc cannot submit our witnesses to a star chamber 
proceeding and shall readily find another forum in which to tell 
the American public the vivid story of the Oceoquan work 

Respectfully yours, 
(Signed) Dudley Field Malonb, 
J. K. N. Norton. 
Samuel G. Bbent. 

Subsequently the District Board of Cliarities reported find- 
ings on their secret investigation. After a lengthy preamble, 
in which they attempted to put the entire blame upon the 
suffrage prisoners, they advised : 

That the investigation directed by the Commissioners of the 
District of Columbia he postponed until the conditions of un- 
rest, excitement, and disquiet at Oceoquan have been overcome: 

That the order relieving W, H. Whittaker as superintend- 


ent, temporarily and without prejudice, be revoked, aoff 
Whittaker be restored to liis position as superintendent:' 

That the members of the National Woman's Party now at 
Occoquan be informed that unless they obey the rules of the 
institution and discontinue their acts of insubordination and 
riot, they will be removed from Occoquan to the city jail and 
placed in solitary confinement. 

In announcing the report to the press the District Com- 
missioners stated that they approved the recommendations of 
the Board of Charities "after most careful consideration," and 
that "aa a matter of fact, the District workliouse at Occoquan 
is an institution of which the commissioners are proud, and is 
, B source of pride to every citizen of the nation's Capital." 

That the Administration was in possession of the true facta 
concerning Mr. Whittaker and his conduct in office there can 
be no doubt. But they supported him until the end of their 
campaign of suppression. 

Another example of the Administration's lawlessness ap- 
peared in the habeas corpus proceedings by which we rescued 
the prisoners at the workhouse from Mr. Whittaker's custody. 
The trial occurred on November S3rd. 

No one present can ever forget the tragi-comic scene en- 
acted in the little Virginia court room that cold, dark Novem- 
ber morning. There was Judge Waddill ^^who had adjourned 
his sittings in Norfolk to hasten the relief of the prisoners — a 
mild mannered, sweet-voiced Southern gentleman. There was 
Superintendent Wtiittaker in his best Sunday clothes, which 
mitigated very little the cruel and nervous demeanor which no 
one who has come under his control will ever forget. His 
thugs were there, also dressed in their best clothes, which only 
exaggerated their coarse features and their shifty eyes. Mrs, 
Hemdon, the thin-lipped matron, was there, looking nervous 
' PendlnE the investigation Mr. Whlttnker n-ns suspended, and his first 
BSaislant, Alonzo Tweedale, served in the cnpecity of saperintcDdent 
' Appointed to tlie bendi by President Roosevelt 


and trying to seem concerned about the prisoners in her charge. 
Warden Zinkhan was there seeming worried at the prospect 
of the prisoners being taken from the care of Superintendent 
Whittaker and committed to him — he evidently unwilling to 
accept the responsibility. 

Dudley Field Malone and Mr. O'Brien of counsel, belliger- 
ent in every nerve, were ready to try the case. The two dapper 
government attorneys, with immobile faces, twisted nervously 
in their chairs. There was the bevy of newspaper reporters 
struggling for places in the little courtroom, plainly sym- 
pathetic, for whatever they may have had to write for the 
papers they knew that this was a battle for justice against 
uneven odds. There were as many eager spectators as could 
be crowded into so small an area. Upon the whole an air of 
friendliness prevailed in this little court at Alexandria which 
we had never felt in the Washington courts. And the people 
there experienced a shock when the slender file of women, hag- 
gard, red-eyed, sick, came to the bar. Some were able to walk 
to their seats; others were so weak that they had to be stretched 
out on the wooden benches with coats propped under their 
heads for pillows. Still others bore the marks of the attack 
of the "night of terror." Many of the prisoners lay back in 
their chairs hardly conscious of the proceedings which were to 
free them. Mrs, Brannan collapsed utterly and bad to be ■ 
carried to a couch in an ante-room. 

It was discovered just as the trial was to open that Miss 
Lucy Burns and Mrs, Lawrence Lewis, who it will be remenf 
bered had been removed to the jail before the writ had been 
issued, were absent from among the prisoners, 

"They are too ill to be brought into court," Mr. Whittaker 
replied to the attorneys for the defense. 

"We demand that they be brought into court at our risk," 
answered counsel for the defense. 

The government's attorneys sustained Mr. Whittaker in 




not producing them. It was clear that the government did not 
wish to have Miss Bums with the marks still fresh on her 
wrists from her manacling and handcuffing, and Mrs, Lewis 
with a fever from the shock of the first night, brought before 
the judge who was to decide the case, 

"If it was necessary to handcuff Miss Bums to the bars of 
her cell, we consider her well enough to appear," declared Mr. 
O'Brien. "We consider we ought to know what has happened 
to all of these petitioners since these events. While I was at 
Occoquan Sunday endeavoring to see my clients, Mr. Whit- i 
taker was trying to induce tlie ladies, who, he says, are too 
sick to be brought here, to dismiss this proceeding. Failing in 
that, he refused to let me sec them, though I had an order from 
Judge Mullowny, and they were taken back to the District of 
Columbia. From that time to this, though I had your Honor's 
order which you signed in Norfolk, the superintendent of the 
Washington jail also refused to allow me to see my clients, 
saying that your order had no effect in the District of 

"If there are any petitioners that you claim have not been 
brought here because they have been carried beyond the juris- 
diction of the courts, I think we should know it," ruled the 
court. "Counsel for these ladies want them here; and they 
aay that thev ought to be here and are well enough to be here; 
that the respondent here has spirited them away and put them 
beyond the jurisdiction of the court. On that showing, unless 
there is some reason why they ought not to come, ttiey should 
be here." 

Miss Bums and Mrs. Lewis were accordingly ordered 
brought to court. 

This preliminary skirmish over, the opening discussion re- 
volved about a point of law as to whether the Virginia District 
Court had authority to act in this case. 

After hearing both sides on this point. Judge Waddill said: 


"These are not staU prisoners ; they are prisoners of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. They are held by an order of the court 
claiming to have jurisdiction in the District of Columbia. 
But they are imprisoned in the Eastern District of Virginia, in 
Occoquan workhouse which, very much to our regret, is down 
here, and is an institution that we alone have jurisdiction over. 
No court would fail to act when such a state of aflTairs as is set 
forth in this petition is brought to its attention. 

"Here wat a case concerning twenlif-fiTe or thirty ladiet. 
The itateuunt a$ to their treatment was bloodcurdling; it wa» 
shocking to man's ideas of humamity if it is true. They are 
hrre in court, and yet your anrarer denies all tliese facts which 
they ittbvtit. It is a question whether you can do that and 
yet deny these petitioners the right of testimony." 

Prpceeding with this argument, the defense contended thai 
the act itself of the District Commissioners in sending prisoners 
to the Occoquan workhouse was illegal ; that no formal transfer 
from one institution to another had ever been made, the sen- 
tencing papers distinctly stating that all prisoners were com- 
mitted to "the Washington Asylum and Jail." 

"Wc deny that the records of the Commissioners of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia can show that there was any order made 
by the Board for the removal of these women. The liberty of 
a citizen cannot be so disregarded and trifled with that any 
police official or jailor may at his own volition, commit and hold 
him in custody and compel him to work. The liberty of the 
people depends upon a broader foundation." 

Repeated questions brought out from Mr. Zinkham, Wardea 
of the Jail, the fact that the directions given by the Commis- 
sioners to transfer prisoners from the jail to Occoquan rested 
entirely upon a verbal order given "five or six years ago." 

"Do you really mean," interrupted the court, "that the 
only authority you have on the part of the Commissioners of 


the District of Columbia to transfer parties dowD to Occoqu&Q 
is a verbal order made five or six years ago?" 

Questions by the defense brought out the fact also that 
Mr, Zinkhan could remember in detail the first oral orders he 
had received for such a transfer, dating back to 1911, although 
he could not remember important details as to how he had Pt- 
ceived the orders concemJitg the suffragists committed to hia 
carel He only knew that "orders were oral and explicit.'* | 

Q. [By defense in court] You say the three commissioners 
were present? 

A, Sure. 

Q, Who else was present? 

A. I am not sure just now who else was present. I remem- 
ber somebody else was there, but I don't remember just 
who. . . . 

Q. Were the three commissioners present at the time Mr. 
[Commissioner] Brownlow gave you this order? 

a; Yes. 

Q. You say it was a verbal order of the Commissioners? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Was the clerk of the Board present ? 1 

A. I think not. i 

Q. And you cannot remember who was present aside from 
the three Commissioners? 

A. No, I cannot remember just now, 

Q. Try to recollect who was present at that meeting when ! 
this order was given, aside from the Commissioners. There ' 
was somebody else present? 

A. It is my impression that there was some one other 
person present, but 1 am not sure just now who it was. 

Q, It was some ofiicial, some one well known, was it 
not. . . . ? 

A. I am not sure. . . . 


[This conference was ooe in which Mr. McAdoo was re- 
ported to have participated.] 

Tlie gentle judge was distressed when in answer to a ques- 
tion by the government's attorney as to what Mr. Zinkhan did 
when the prisoners were given into his charge, the warden 

A. I heard early in the afternoon of the sentence, and I 
did not get away from the Commissioners' meeting until nearly 
4 o'clock 4nd I jumped in my machine and went down to the 
jail, and I think at that time six of them had been delivered 
there and were in the rotunda of the jail, and a few minutes 
after that a van load came. The remaining number of ten or 
twelve had not arrived, but inasmuch as the train had to leave 
at 6 o'clock and there would not be time enough to receive them 
in the jail and get them there in time for the train, I took the 
van that was there right over to the east end of the Union 
Station, and I think I took some of the others in my machine 
and another machine we had there carried some of the others 
over, and we telephoned the other van at Police Court to go 
direct to the east end of the Union Station and to deliver them 
to mc. I had of course the commitments of those that were 
brought up to the jail — about 20 of them — and received from 
the oflicer of the court the other commitments of the last van 
load, and there I turned all of them except one that I kept 
back . . . over to the receiving and discharging officer repre- 
senting the Kstrict Workhouse, and they were taken down 
there that evening. 

There followed some questioning of the uneasy warden as 
to how he used this power to decide wliich prisoners should 
remain in jail and which should be sent to Occoquan. Warden 
, Zinkhan stuttered something about sending "all the able bodied 
prisoners to Occoquan — women able to perform useful work"— 
and that "humanitarian motives** usually guided him in his 
selection. It, was a difficult task for the warden for he had to 




conceal just wki/ the suffrage prisoners were sent to Occoqtiaiii | 
and in so doing had to invent "motives" of his own. 

Q. [By defense.] Mr. Zinkhan, were you or were you not i 
actuated by humanitarian motives when you sent this group 
of women to the Occoquan Workhouse? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Were you actuated by humanitanan motives when j 
you sent Mrs. Nolan, a woman of 73 years, to the workhouse? i 
Did you think that she could perform some service at Occo- 
quan that it was necessary to get her out of the District Jail 
and down there? 

Warden Zinkhan gazed at the ceiling, shifted in his chair 
and hesitated to answer. The question was repeated, and 
finally the warden admitted uncomfortably that he believed he 
was inspired by "humanitarian motives." 

"Mrs. Nolan, will you please stand up?" called out Mr. 

All eyes turned toward the front row, where Mrs. Nolan 
slowly got to her feet. The tiny figure of a woman with pale 
face and snowy hair, standing out dramatically against her 
black bonnet and plain black dress, was answer enough. 

Warden Zinkhan's answers after that came even more halt- 
ingly. He seemed inordinately fearful of trapping himself bj 
his own words. 

"The testimony has brought out the fact," the judge re- 
marked at this point, "that two of these ladies were old and ] 
one of them is a delicate lady. Her appearance would indicate l 
that she is not strong. Under this rule, if one of these ladies 
had been eighty years old and unable to walk she would have 
gone along with the herd and nobody would have dared to say 
'ought this to be done?' Would the Commissioners in a case 
of that sort, if they gave consideration to it, think of sending 
such an individual there? Was not that what the law expected 
them to do, and not take them off in droves and inspect then 


at the Union Station and shoot them on down? Yet that a 
about what was done in this case." 

In summing up this phase of the case in an eloquent appeal, 
Mr. Maione said: 

"Can the Commissioners, with caprice and no order and 
no record except that orally given five or six years ago, and 
one which this warden now says was given 'oral and explicit,* 
transfer defendants placed in a particular institution, and 
under a particular kind of punishment arbitrarily to another 
institution, and add to their punishment? 

"Even if we admit that the Commissioners had power, did 
Congress ever contemplate that any District Commissioners 
would dare to exercise power affecting the life and health of 
defendants in this fashion? Did Congress ever contemplate 
that, by mere whim, these things could be done? I am sure 
it did not, and even on the admission of the government that 
they had the power, they have exercised this power in such a 
scandalous fashion that it is worthy of the notice of the 
court and worthy of the remedy which we seek — the removal of _ 
the suffrage prisoners from the Occoquan workhouse." 

After a brief recess, Judge Waddill rendered this decision : 
"The locking up of thirty human beings is an unusual sort of 
thing and judicial officers ouglit to be required to stop long 
enough to see whether some prisoners ought to go and some 
not; whether some might not be killed by going; or whether 
they should go dead or alive. This class of prisoners and this 
number of prisoners should have been given special consider- 
ation. There cannot be any controversy about this question 
.... You ought to lawfully lock them up instead of unlaw- 
fully locking them up— if they are to be locked up. , . . JTie 
petitioners are, therefore, one and all, in the Workhouse withr- 
out semblance of authority or legal process of any kind. , . . 
and they will accordingly be remanded to the custody of ths 
Superintendent of the Washington Asylum and Jail" . . , 



It having been decided that the prisoners were illegally 
detained in the workhouse, it was not necessary to go into a 
discussion of the cruelties conimittcd upon the prisoners while 

The government's attorneys immediately announced that 
they would appeal from the decision of Judge Waddill. Pend- 
ing such an appeal the women were at liberty to he paroled in 
the custody of counsel. But since they had come from the 
far comers of the continent and since some of them had served 
out almost half of their sentence, and did not wish in case of an 
adverse decision on the appeal, to have to return later to 
ondergo the rest of their sentence, they preferred to finish their 

These were the workhouse prisoners thus remanded to the 
jail who continued the hunger strike undertaken at the work- 
house, and made a rcdoubtahle reinforcement to Alice Paul 
and Rose Winslow and their comrades on strike in the jail 
when the former arrived. 



WITH thirty determined women on hunger strike, of 
whom eight were in a state of almost total collapse, 
the Administration capitulated. It could not afford 
to feed thirty women forcibly and risk the social and political 
consequences; nor could it let thirty women starve themselves 
to death, and likewise take the the consequences. For by this 
time one thing was clear, and that was that the discipline and 
endurance of the women could not be broken. And so all the 
prisoners were unconditionally released on November STth and 
November 28th. 

On leaving prison Miss Paul said: "The commutation of 
sentences acknowledges them to be unjust and arbitrary. The 
attempt to suppress legitimate propaganda has failed. 

"We hope that no more demonstrations will be necessary, 
that the amendment will move steadily on to passage and 
ratification without further suffering or sacrifice. But what 
we do depends entirely upon what the Administration does. 
We have one aim : the immediate passage of the federal amend- 

Running parallel to the protest made inside the prison, a 
public protest of nation-wide proportions had been made 
against continuing to imprison women. Deputations of in- 
fluential women had waited upon all party leaders, cabinet 
officials, heads of the war boards, in fact every friend of the 
Administration, pointing out that we had broken no law, that j 

L : A 


we were unjustly held, and that the Administration would 
suffer politically for thtJr handling of the suffrage agitation. 

A committee of women, after some lively fencing with the 
Secretary of War, finally drove Mr. Baker to admit that wo- 
men had been sent to prison for a political principle; that they 
were not petty disturbers but part of a great fundamental 
struggle. Secretary Baker said, "This [the suffrage struggle] 
is a revolution. There have been revolutions all through his- 
tory. Some have been justified and some have not. The burden 
of responsibility to decide whether your revolution is justified 
or not is on you. The whole philosophy of your movement 
i to be to obey no laws until you have a voice in those 
I laws." 

At least one member of the Cabinet thus showed that he 
had caught something of the purpose and depth of our move- 
ment. He never publicly protested, however, against the Ad- 
ministration's policy of suppression. 

Mr, McAdoo, then Secretary of the Treasury, gave no such 
evidence of enlightenment as Mr, Baker, A committee of 
women endeavored to see him. He was reported "out. But 
, we expect him here soon." 

We waited an hour. The nervous private secretary returned 
to say that he had been mistaken, "The Secretary will not 
I be in until after luncheon." 

"We shall wait," said Mrs, William Kent, chairman of the 
deputation. "We have nothing more important to do to-day 
than to see Secretary McAdoo. We are willing to wait the 
whole day, if necessary, only it is imperative that we see him." 

The private secretary's spirits sank. He looked as if he 
would give anything to undo his inadvertence in telling us that 
the Secretary was expected after luncheon ! Poor man ! We 
settled down comfortably to wait, a formidable looking com- 
mittee of twenty women, 

Tliere was the customary gentle embarrassment of attend- 


ants whose chief is in a predicament from which they seem 
powerless to extricate him, but all were extremely courteous. 
The attendant at the door brought us the morning papers to 
read. Gradually groups of men began to arrive and cards 
were sent in the direction of the spot where we inferred the 
Secretary of the Treasury was safely hidden, hoping and 
praying for our early retirement. 

Whispered conversations were held. Men disappeared in 
and out of strange doors. Stil] wc waited. 

Finally as the fourth hour of our vigil was dragging on, a 
lieutenant appeared to announce that the Secretary was very 
sorry but that he would not be able to see us "at all." We 
consulted, and finally sent in a written appeal, asking for "five 
minutes of his precious time on a matter of grave importance." 
More waiting! Finally a letter was brought to us directed to 
Mrs. William Kent, with the ink of the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury's signature still wet. With no concealment of contempt, 
he declared that under no circumstances could he speak with 
women who had conducted such an outrageous campaign in 
such an "illegal" way. We smiled as we learned from his pro- 
nouncement that "picketing" was "illegal," for we were not 
supposed to have been arrested for picketing. The tone of 
his letter, its extreme bitterness, tended to confirm what we had 
always been told, that Mr. McAdoo assisted in directing the 
policy of arrests and imprisonment. 

I have tried to secure this letter for reproduction but un- 
fortunately Mrs. Kent did not save it. We all remember its 
bitter passion, however, and the point tt made about our 
"illegal picketing." 

Congress convened on December 4th. President WiUon 
delivered a message, restating our aims in the war. He also 
recommended a declaration of a state of war against Austria; 
the control of certain water power sites; export trade-com- 
bination ; railway legislation ; and the speeding up of all necea- 




sary appropriation legislation. But he did not mention the 
suffrage amendment. Having been forced to release the pris- 
oners, he again rested. 

Immediately we called a conference in Washington of the 
Executive Committee and tho National Advisory Council of the 
Woman's Party, Past activities were bri^y reviewed and the 
political situation discussed. It is interesting to note that the 
Treasurer's report made at this conference showed that re- 
ceipts in some months during the picketing had been double 
what they were the same month the previous year when there 
was no picketing. In one month of picketing the receipts went 
as high as six times the normal amount. For example in July 
of 1917, when the arrests had just begun, receipts for the 
month totalled $21,623.65 as against $3,690.62 for July of 
1916. In November, 1917, when the militant situation was at 
its highest point, there was received at National Headquarters 
$31,117.87 as against $15,008.18 received in November, 1916. 
Still there were those who said we had no friends ! 

A rumor that the President would act persisted. But we 
could not rely on rumor. We decided to accelerate him and his 
Administration by filing damage suits amounting to $800,000 
against the District Commissioners, against Warden Zinkhan, 
against Strperin ten dent Whittnker and Captain Reams, a 
workhouse guard. ' They were brought in no spirit of revenge, 
but merely that the Administration should not be allowed to 
forget its record of brutality, unless it chose to amend its con- 
duct by passing the amendment. The suits were brought by 
the women who suffered the greatest abuse during the "ni^t 
of terror" at the workhouse. 

If any one is still in doubt as to the close relation between 
the Court procedure in our case and tlie President's actions, 


*We were obliged to bring; the suits against inilividualG, as 1 
not In the law bring tfiEm against the government. 

this letter to one of our attorneys in January, 1918, must con- 
Tince him. 


My dear Mr. O'Brien : — 

I wish you would advise me as soon as you conveniently can, 
what will be done with the suffragist cases now pending against 
Whittaker and Keazns in the United States District Court at 

I have heard rumors, the truth of which you will understand 
better than I, that th^se cages wiU be dropped if the President 
comet out in favor of woman suffrage. This, I wnderstamd, he 
wHl do and ccrtaitdy hope so, as I am personally in favor of it 
and have been for many years. But in case of his delay m 
taking any action, mil you agree to continae these catet for 
the preientf ,. . , 

very truJv yours, 
(Signed) F. H. Stevens, 
Assistant Corporation Counsel, D. C. 

In order to further fortify themselves, the District Com- 
missioners, when the storm had subsided, quietly removed War- 
den Zinkhan from the jail and Superintendent Whittaker 
resigned his post at the workhouse, presumably under pressure 
from the Commissioners. 

The Woman's Party conference came to a dramatic close 
during that first week in December with an enormous mass 
ttieeting in the Belasco Theatre in Washington, On that quiet 
Sunday afternoon, as the President came through his gates 
for his afternoon drive, a passageway had to be opened for 
his motor car tlirough the crowd of four thousand people who 
were blocking IMadison Place in an effort to get inside the 
Belasco Theatre. Inside the building was packed to the 
rafters. The President saw squads of police reserves, who had 
been for the past six months arresting pickets for him, battling 
with a crowd that was literalty storming the theatre in their 
eagerness to do honor to those who had been arrested. Inside 
there was a fever heat of enthusiasm, bursting cheers, and 


thundeiing applause which shook the building. America has 
Dever before nor since seen such a suffrage meeting. 

Mrs. 0. H. P. Belmont, chairman, opened the meeting by 
Baying : 

"We are here this afternoon to do honor to a hundred 
gallant women, who have endured the hardsliip and humiliation 
of imprisonment because they love liberty. 

"The suffrage pickets stood at the White House gates for 
ten months and dramatized the women's agitation for political 
liberty. Self-respecting and patriotic American women will no 
longer tolerate a government which denies women the right to 
govern themselves, A flame of rebellion is abroad among wo- 
men, and the stupidity and brutality of the government in this 
revolt have only served to increase its heat, 

"As President Wilson wrote, 'Governments have been very 
successful in parrying agitation, diverting it, in seeming to 
yield to it and then cheating it, tiring it out or evading it. 
But the end, whether it comes soon or late, is quite certain to 
be the same.' While the government has endeavored to parry, 
tire, divert, and cheat us of our goal, the country has risen in 
protest against this evasive policy of suppression until to-day 
the indomitable pickets with their historic legends stand tri- 
umphant before the nation," 

Mrs. William Kent, who had led the last picket line of 
forty-one women, was chosen to decorate the prisoners. 

"In honoring these women, who were willing to go to jail 
for liberty," said Mrs, Kent, "we are showing our love of 
country and devotion to democracy." The long line of pris- 
oners filed past her and amidst constant cheers and applause, 
received a tiny silver replica of a cell door, the same that 
appears in miniature on the title page of this book. 

As proof of this admiration for what the women had done, 
the great audience in a very few moments pledged $86,326 to 
continue the campaign. JIany pledges were made in honor of 



Alice Paul, Inez MilhoUand, Mrs. Belmont, Dudley Field Ma- 
lone, and all the prisoners. Imperative resolutions calling upon 
President Wilson and his Administration to act, were unani- 
mously passed amid an uproar. 

IMMEDIATELY foUowing the release of the prisoners and 
the magnificent demonstration of public support of thetn, 
culminating at the mass meeting recorded in the preceding 
chapter, political events happened thick and fast. Committees 
in Congress acted on the amendment. President Wilson sur- 
rendered and a date for the vote was set. 

The Judiciary Committee of the House voted 18 to % to 
report the amendment to that body. The measure, it will be 
remembered, was reported to the Senate in the closing days of 
the previous session, and was therefore already before the Sen- 
ate awaiting action. ^ 

To be sure, the Judiciary Committee voted to report the 
amendment without recommendation. But soon after, the 
members of the SutFrage Committee, provision for which had 
also been made during the war session, were appointed. All but 
four members of this committee were in favor of nitional suf- 
frage, and immediately after its formation it met to organize 
and decided to take the suffrage measure out of the hands ol 
the Judiciary Committee and to press for a vote. 

A test of strength came on December 18th, 

On a trivial motion to refer all suffrage bills to the new 
suffrage committee, the vote stood 20t to 107. This vote, 
although unimportant in itself, clearly promised victory for the 
amendment in the House. In a few days. Representative I 

'See Chapter 8. 

esentative Mon- 

dell of Wyoming, Republican, declaird that the Republican side 
of the House would give more than a two-thirds majority of its 
members to the amendment. 

"It is up to our friends on the Democratic side to see 
that the amendment is not defeated through hostility or indif- 
ference on (heir side," said Jlr, Mondell. 

Our daily poll of the House showed constant gains. Pledges 
from both Democratic and Republican members came thick 
and fast; cabinet members for the first time publicly declared 
their belief in the amendment. A final poll, however, showed 
that we lacked a few voles of the necessary two-thirds majority 
to pass the measure in the House, 

No stone was left unturned in a final effort to get the 
President to secure additional Democratic votes to insure the 
passage of the amendment. Finally, on the eve of the vote 
President Wilson made his first declaration of support of the 
amendment through a committee of Democratic Congressmen. 
During the vote the following day Representative Cantrill of 
Kentucky, Democrat, reported the event to the House. He 
said in part: 

It was my privilege yesterday afternoon to be one of a 
committee of twelve to ask the President for advice and counsel 
on this important measure (prolonged laughter and jeers). 
Mr. Speaker, in answer to the f.entiment expressed by part of 
the House, I desire to say that at no time and upon no occasion 
am I ever ashamed to confer with Woodrow Wilson upon any 
important question (laughter, applause, and jeers) and that 
part of the House that has jeered that statement before it 
adjourns to-day will follow absolutely the advice which he 
gave this committee yesterday afternoon. (Laughter and ap- 
plause.) After conference with the President yesterday aftei^ 
noon he wrote with his own hands the words which I now read 
to you, and each member of the committee was authorized by 
the President to give full publicity to the following: 

"The committee foumd that the President had not fdt at 
liberty to volunteer hit advice to Membert of Congress in tfUt 


ntportant matter, but when we sought his advice (laughter) 
he very frankly an4 earnestly advised us to vote for the amend- 
ment as an act of right and justice to the wornen of the country 
and of th^ world." 

. . . To my Democratic brethren who have made these hallff 
ring with their eloquence in their pleas to stand by the Presi- 
dent, I will say that now is your chance to stand by the Presi- 
dent and vote for this amendment, "as an act of right and 
justice to the women of the country and of the world" , . . 

Do you wish to do that which is right and just toward the 
TTomen of your own country? If so, follow the President's 
advice and vote for this amendment. It will not do to follow 
the President in this great crisis in the world's history on those 
matters only which are popular in your own districts. The 
true test is to stand by him, even though your own vote is un- 
popular at home. The acid test for a Member of Congress is 
for him to stand for right and justice even if misunderstood 
at home at first. In the end, right and justice will prevail 

. . . No one thing connected with the war is of more 
importance at this time than meeting the reasonable demand 
of millions of patriotic and Christian women of the Nation 
that the amendment for woman suffrage be submitted to the 
States. . . . 

The amendment passed the House January 10, 1918, by a 
vote of 274 to 136 — a two-tliirds majority with one vote to 
spare — exactly forty years to a day from the time the suffrage 
amendment was first introduced into Congress, and exactly one 
year to a day from the tiTiie the first picket banner appeared at 
the gates of the Wliite House. 

Eighty-three per cent of the Republicans voting on the 
measure, voted in favor of it, while only fifty per cent of the 
Democrats voting, voted for it. Even after the Republicans 
had pledged their utmost strength, more than two-thirds of 
their membership, votes were still lacking to make up the Demo- 
cratic deficiency, and the President's declaration that the meas- 
ure ought to pass the House, produced them from his own 


party. Those who contend that picketing had "set back the 
clock," — tliat it did "no good," — that President Wilson would 
"not be moved bj it" — have, we believe, the burden of proof on 
their side of the argument. It is our firm belief that tlie solid 
year of picketing, with all its political ramifications, did com- 
pel the President to abandon his opposition and declare himself 
for the measure. I do not mean to say that many things do not 
cooperate in a movement toward a great event. I do mean to 
say that picketing was the most vital force amongst the ele- 
ments which moved President Wilson. That picketing had 
compelled Congress to sec the question in terms of political 
capital is also true. From the Brst word uttered in the House 
debate, until the final roll-call, political expediency was the 
chief motif. 

Mr. Lenroot of Wisconsin, Republican, rose to say: 

*'May I suggest that there is a distinction between the 
Democratic members of the Committee on Rules and the Re- 
publican members, in this, that all of the Republican members 
arc for this proposition?" This was met with instant applause 
from the Republican side. 

Representative Cantrill prefaced his speech embodying the 
President's statement, which caused roars and jeers from the 
opposition, with the announcement that he was not willing to 
risk another election, with the voting women of the West, and 
the amendment still unpnssed. 

Mr. Lenroot further pointed out that: "From a Repub- 
lican standpoint- — from a partisan standpoint, it would be an 
advantage to Republicans to go before the people in the next 
election and say that this resolution was defeated by southern 

An anti-suffragist tried above the din and noise to remind 
Mr. Lenroot that three years before Mr. Lenroot had voted 
"No," but a Republican colleague came suddenly to the rescue 
with "What about Mr. Wilson?" which was followed by, "He 




I clea 

kept UB out of war," and the jeers on the Republican aide be- 
came more pronounced. 

This interesting political tilt took place when Represien- 
tatives Dennison and Williams of Illinois, and Representative 
Kearns of Ohio, Republicans, fuiiced with Representative Raker 
of California, Democrat, as he attempted, with an evident note 
of self-consciousnesB, to make the President's reversal seem less 

Ma. Dennison : It was known by the committee that went 
to see the President that the Republicans were going to take 
this matter up and pass it in caucus, was it not? 

Mb. Rakeb : I want to say to my Republican friends upon 
this question that I have been in conference with the Presi- 
dent for over three years upon this question. . . . 

Me. Keabns: How did the women of California find out 
and learn where the President stood on this thing just before 
election last fall? Nobody else seemed to know it. 

Mb, Rakeb : They knew it. 

Mb. Keabns: How did they find it out? 

Mb. RaK£b: I will take a minute or two — 

Mb. Keabns : I wish the gentleman would. 

Ma. Rakeb : The President went home and registered. The 
President went home and voted for woman suffrage, 

Mb. KEAaNs: He said he believed in it for the several 
states. , , , 

Ma. Rakeb: One moment 

Mb. Keabns: That is the only information they had Upon 
the subject, is it? 

Ma. WtLLiAMs: . . . Will the gentleman yield? 

Mb. Rakes : I cannot yield. 

Mb. Williams: Just for a quest'on. 

Mb. Rakeb: I cannot yield. . . . 

That the President's political speed left some overcome was 
clear from a remark of Mr. Clark of Florida when he said : 

"I was amused at my friend from Oklahoma, Mr, Ferris, 
who wants us to stand with the President. God knows I want 
to stand with him. I am a Democrat, and I want to follow 
the leader of my partj-, and I am a. pretty good lightning- 
change artist myself sometimes (laughter) ; but God knows I 
cannot keep up witli his performance. (Laughter.) Why, the 
President wrote a book away hack yonder" . . . and he quoted 
generously from President Wilson's many statements in defense 
of state rights as recorded in his early writings, 

Mr, Hersey of Maine, Republican, drew applause when he 
made a retort to the Democratic slogan, "Stand by the Presi- 
dent." He said : 

*'Mr. Speaker, I am still 'standing with the President,* or, 
in other words, the President this momiog is standing with 

The reseDttnent at having been forced by the pickets to tha 
point of passing the amendment was in evidence throughout 
the debate. 

Representative Gordon of Ohio, Democrat, said with Wttep- 
ness : "We are threatened by these militant suffragettes with a 
direct and lawless invasion by the Congress of the United States 
of the rights of those States which have refused to confer upon 
their women the privilege of voting. This attitude on the part 
of some of the suffrage Members of this House is on an exact 
equality with the acts of these women militants who have spent 
the lust summer and fall, while they were not in the district 
jail or workhouse, in coaxing, teasing, and nagging the Presi* 
dent of the United States for the purpose of inducing him, by 
coercion, to club Congress into adopting this joint resolution." 

Shouts of "Well, they got him!" and "They got it!" from 
all sides, followed by prolonged laught^i' and jeers, interrupted 
the flow of his oratory. 

Mr. Ferris of Oklahoma, Democrat, hoped to mintmize the 
effectiveness of the picket. 




"Mr. Speaker," he said, '"I do not approve or believe in 
picketing the White House, the National Capitol, or any other 
station to bring about votes for women. I do not approve of 
wild militancy, hunger strikes, and efforts of that sort. I do 
not approve of the course of those women that . . . become 
agitators, lay oft" their womanly qualities in their efforts to 
secure votes. I do not approve of anything unwomanly any- 
where, any time, and my course to-day in supporting this suf- 
frage amendment is not guided by such conduct on the part of 
a very few women here or elsewhere." (Applause.) 

Representative Langley of Kentucky, Republican, waB aWe 
to see picketing in a fairer light : 

"Much has been said pro and con about 'picketing*, — that 
rather dramatic chapter in the history of this great move- 
ment. It is not my purpose to speak either in criticism or con- 
demnation of that; but if it be true — I do not say that it is, 
because I do not know — but if it be true, as has been alleged, 
that certain promises were made, as a result of which a great 
campaign was won, and those promises were not kept, I wonder 
whether in that silent, peaceful protest that was against this 
broken faith, there can be found sufficient warrant for the in- 
dignities which the so-called 'pickets' suff^ered; and when in 
passing up and down the Avenue I frequently witnessed cul- 
tured, intellectual women arrested and dragged off to prison 
because of their method of giving publicity to what they be- 
lieved to be the truth, I will confess that the question sometimes 
arose in my mind whether when the impartial history of this 
great struggle has been written their names may not be placed 
upon the roll of martyrs to the cause to which they were con- 
secrating their lives in the manner that they deemed most 

Mr. Mays of Utah was one Democrat who placed the re- 
sponsibility for militancy where it rightly belonged when he 

*'Some Bay to-day that they are ashamed of the action of 
the militants in picketing the Capitol. . . . But we should be 
more ashamed of the unreasonable stubbornness on the part of 
the men who refused them the justice they have so long and 
patiently asked." 

And so the debate ran on. Occasionally one caught a 
glimmer of real comprehension amongst these men about to 
vote upon our political liberty ; but more often the discussion 
stayed on a very inferior level. 

And there were gems imperishable! 

Even friends of the measure had difficulty not to romanticize 
about "Woman^ — God's noblest creature" . . . "man's better 
counterpart" . . . "humanity's perennial hope" . . . "the 
world's object most to be admired and loved" . . . and so forth. 

Representative Elliott of Indiana, Republican, favored the 
resolution because — "A little more than four hundred years 
ago Columbus discovered America. Before that page of Amer- 
ican history was written he was compelled to seek the advice 
and assistance of a woman. From that day until the present 
day the noble women of America have done their part in times 
of peace and of war. , , ." 

If Queen Isabella was an argument in favor for Mr. Elliott 
of Indiana, Lady Macbeth played the opposite part for Mr. 
Parker of New Jersey, Republican. , . . "I will not debate the 
question as to whether in a time of war women are the best 
judges of policy. That great student of human nature, Wil- 
liam Shakespeare, in the play of Macbeth, makes Lady Macbeth 
eager for deeds of blood until they are committed and war is 
begun and then just as eager that it may be stopped," ... 

Said Mr. Gray of New Jersey, Republican : "A nation wiH 
endure just so long as its men are virile. History, physiology, 
and psychology all show that giving woman equal political 
rights with man makes ultimately for the deterioration of man- 
hood. It is, therefore, not only because I want our country to 




win this war but because I nant our nation to possess the o 
virility necessary to guarantee its future existence that I am 
opposed to the pending amendment." 

The hope was expressed that President Wilson's conversion 
would be like that of St, Paul, "and that he will become a 
master-worker in the vineyards of the I^rd for this propoei- 
tion." (Applause.) 

Mr. Gatlivan, Democrat, although a representative of Mav 
aachusetts, "the cradle of American liberty," called upon a 
yreat Persian philosopher to sustain him in his support. " 'Dogs 
bark, but the caravan moves on.' . . . Democracy cannot live 
half free and half female." 

Mr. Dill of Washington, Democrat, colored his support with 
the following tribute; "... It was woman who first learned 
to prepare skins of animals for protection from the elements, 
and tamed Bkiid domesticated the dog and horse and cow. She 
was a servant and a slave. . . . To-day she is the peer of man." 

Mr. Little of Kansas, Republican, tried to bring his col- 
leagues back to a moderate course by interpolating: 

"It seems to me, gentlemen, that it is time for us to learn 
that woman is neither a slave nor an angel, but a human being, 
entitled to be treated with ordinary common sense in the ad- 
justment of human affairs. . . ." 

But this calm statement could not allay the terror of Rep- 
resentative Clark of Florida, Democrat, who cried; "In the 
hearings before the committee it will be found that one of the 
leaders among the suffragettes declared that they wanted the 
ballot for 'protection', and when asked against whom she de- 
sired 'protection' she promptly and frankly replied, 'men.* Mj 
God, has it come to pass in America that the women of the 
land need to be protected from the men?" Tlie galleries quietly 
nodded their heads, and Mr. Clark continued to predict either 
the complete breakdown of family life. ... or "they [man and 
wife] must think alike, act alike, have the same ideals of life, 

and look forward with like vision to the happy consummatioa 
'beyond the vale.' . . . 

"God luiows that . . . when you get factional politics lim- 
ited to husband and wife, oh, what a spectacle will be presented, 
my countrymen. , . . Love will vanish, wliile hate ascends the 
throne. . . . 

"To-day woman stands the uncrowned queen in the hearts 
of all right-thinking American men; to her as ri^tful sover- 
eign we render the homage of protection, respect, love, and 
may the guiding hand of an all-wise Providence stretch forth 
in this hour of peril to save her from a change of relation which 
must bring in its train, discontent, sorrow, and pain," he con- 
cluded desperately, with the trend obviously toward ''crowning" 
the queens. 

There was the disturbing consideration that women know 
too much to he trusted. "I happen to have a mother," said 
Mr. Gray of New Jersey, Republican, "as most of us Have, and 
incidentally I think we all have fathers, although a father does 
not count for much any more. My mother has forgotten more 
political history than he ever knew, and she knows more about 
the American government and American political economy than 
he has ever shown symptoms of knowing, and for the good of 
mankind as well as the country she is opposed to women getting 
into politics." 

The perennial lament for the passing of the good old days 
was raised by Representative Welty of Ohio, Democrat, who 

"The old ship of state has left her moorings and seem^ 
to be sailing on an unknown and uncharted sea. The govern- 
ment founded in the blood of our fathers is fading away. Last 
fall, a year ago, both parties recognized those principles in 
their platforms, and each candidate solemnly declared that he 
would abide by them if elected. But lo, all old things are pass- 
ing away, and the lady from Montana has filed a bill asking 



that separate citizenship be granted to American women mar- 
rjing foreigners." 

Representative Greene of Massachuaetta, Republican, all 
but shed tears over the inevitable amending of the Constitution: 

"I have read it [the Constitution] many times, and there 
have been just 17 amendments adopted since the original Con- 
stitution was framed by the master minds whom God had in- 
spired in the cabin of the Mayflower to formulate the Consti- 
tution of the Plymouth Colony which was made the basis of the 
Constitution of Massachusetts and subsequently resulted in the 
establishment of the Constitution of the United States under 
which we now live. . . ." 

Fancy his shock at finding the pickets triumpliant, 

"Since the second session of the Sixty- fifth Congress 
opened," he said, "I have met several women suffragists from 
the State of Massachusetts. I have immediately propounded 
to them this one question: 'Do you approve or disapprove of 
the suffrage banners in front of the White House . . . ?' Tlie 
answer in nearly every case to mj question was: 'I glory in 
that demonstration' . . . the response to my question was very 
offensive, and I immediately ordered these suffrage advocates 
from ray office." 

And again the pickets featured in the final remarks of Mr. 
Small of North Carolina, Democrat, who deplored the fact 
that advocates of the amendment had made it an issue inducing 
party rivalry. "This is no party question, and such efforts 
will be futile. It almost equals in intelligence the scheme of 
that delectable and inane group of women who picketed the 
White House on the theory that the President could grant them 
the right to vote." 

Amid such gems of intellectual delight the House of the 
great American Congress passed the national suffrage amend- 

We turned our entire attention then to the Senate. 

rage amena- j 




THE President had finally thrown his power to putting 
the amendment through the Ho use. We hoped he 
would follow this up by insisting upon the passage of 
the amendment in the Senate. We ceased our acts of dramatic 
protest for the moment and gave our energies to getting public 
pressure upon him, to persuade him to sec that the Senate 
acted. We also continued to press directly upon recalcitrant 
senators of the minority party who could be won only throuj^ 
appeals other than from the President, 

There are in the Senate 96 members — 2 elected from each 
of the 48 states. To pass a constitutional amendment through 
the Senate, 64 votes are necessary, a two-thirds majority. At 
this point in tlie campaign, 53 senators were pledged to support 
the measure and 43 were opposed. We therefore had to win 
11 more votes. A measure passed tlirough one branch of 
Congress must be passed through the other branch during the 
life of that Congress, otherwise it dies automatically and must 
be born again in a new Congress. We therefore liad only the 
remainder of the first regular session of the 65th Congress 
and, failing of that, the short second session from December, 
1918, to March, 1919, in which to win those votes. 

Backfires were started in the states of the senators not yet 
committed to the amendment. Organized demand for action 
in the Senate grew to huge proportions. 

We turned also to tlie leading influential members of Ihfl 
respective parties for active help. 



Colonel Roosevelt did his moat effective suffrage work at 
this period in a dettmiined attack upon the few unconrinced 
Republican Senators. The Colonel was one of the few leaders 
in our national life who was never too busy to confer or to 
offer and accept suggestions as to procedure. He seemed to 
have imagination about women. He never took a patronizing 
attitude nor did he with moral unction dogmatically tell you 
how the fight shoiJd be waged and won. He presupposed 
ability among women leaders. He was not offended, morally 
or politically, by our preferring to go to jail rather than to 
submit in sUence. In fact, he was at this time under Admin- 
istration fire, because of his bold attacks upon some of their 
policies, and remarked during an interview at Oyster Bay: 

"I may soon join you women in jail. One can never tell 
these days," 

His sagacious attitude toward conservative and radical 
suffrage forces was always delightful and indicative of his 
appreciation of the political and social value of a movement's 
having vitality enough to disagree on methods. None of the 
banal philosophy that "you can never win until all your forces 
get together" from the Colonel. One day, as I came into his 
office for an interview, I met a member of the conservative 
suffragists just leaving, and we spoke. In his office the Colonel 
remarked, "You know, I contemplated having both you and 
Mrs. Whitney come to see me at the same time, since it was 
on a similar mission, but I didn't quite know whether the lion 
and the lamb would lie down together, and I thought I'd better 
take no chances. . . . But I see you're on speaking terms," he 
added. I answered that our relations were extremely amiable, 
but remarked that the other side might not like to be called 

"You delight in being the lions — on that point I am safe, 
am I not?" And he smiled his widest smile as he plunged into 
a vivid expository attack upon the Senatorial opponents of 

Eud^rage in his own party. He wrote letters to them. If this 
failed, he invited them to Oyster Bay for the week-end. Never 
did he abandon them until there was literally not a shadow of 
hope to bank on. 

When the Colonel got into action something always hap- 
pened on the Democratic side. He made a public statement to 
Senator Gallingt^r of Now Hampshire, Republican leader in 
the Senate, in which he pointed to the superior support of the 
Republicans and urged even more liberal party support to 
ensure the passage of the amendment in the Senate. Action 
by the Democrats followed fast on the heels of this public 

The National Executive Committee of the Democratic 
party, after a referendum vote of the members of the National 
Committeemen, passed a resolution calling for favorable action 
in the Senate. Mr. A. Mitchell Palmer wrote to the Woman's 
Party saying that this resolution must be regarded as "an 
official expression of the Democratic Party through the 
only organization which can speak for it between national 

The Republican National Committee meeting at the same 
time commended the course taken by Republican Representa- 
tives who had voted for the amendment In the House, and 
declared their position to be "a true interpretation of the 
thought of the Republican Party." 

Republican and Democratic state, county and city com- 
mittees followed the lead and called for Senate action. 

State legislatures in rapid succession caUed upon the Sen- 
ate to pass the measure, that they in turn might immediately 
ratify. North Dakota, New York, Rhode Island, Arizona, 
Texas and other states acted in this matter. 

Intermittent attempts on the Republican side to force 
action, followed by eloquent speeches from time to time, 
piquing their opponents, left the Democrats bison-like across 


r the path. The majority of them were content to rest upon 

' the action taken in the House. 

I I was at this time Chairman of the Political Department 

[ of the Woman's Party, and in that capacity interviewed prac- 
tically every national leader in both majority parties, I can 

I not resist recording a few impressions. 

I Colonel William Boyce Thompson of New York, now ■ 

Chairman of Ways and Means of the Republican National 

i Conmiittce, who with Raymond Robins had served in Russia 
as member of the United States Red Cross Mission, had just 
returned. The deadlock was brought to his attention. He 
immediately responded in a most effective way. In a brief but 
dramatic speech at a gieat mass meeting of the Woman's 
Party, at Pahn Beach, Florida, he said: 

"The story of the brutal imprisonment in Washington of 
women advocating suffrage is shocking and almost incredible. 
I became accustomed in Russia to the stories of men and 
women who served terras of imprisonment under the Czar, be- 
cause of their love of liberty, but did not know that women in 
my own country had been subjected to brutal treatment long 
Bince abandoned in Russia. 

*'I wish now to contribute ten thousand dollars to the cam- 
paign for the passage of the suffrage amendment through the 
Senate, one hundred dollars for each of the pickets who went 
to prison because she stood at the gates of the White House, 
asking for the passage of the suffrage measure." 

This was the largest single contribution received during the 
national agitation. Colonel Thompson had been a suffragist 
all his life, but he now became actively identified with the work 
for the national amendment. Since then he has continued to 
give generously of his money and to lend his political prestige 
as often as necessary. 

Colonel House was importuned to use his influence to win 
additional Democratic votes in the Senate, or better still to 


J. A. n. HopKiNa Dr. Habvbt W. W:l 


urge the President to win them. Colonel House is an interest- 
ing but not unfamilisr type in politics, Extremelj courteous, 
mild mannered, able, quickly sympathetic, he listens with undis- 
tracted attention to your request. His round bright eyes snap 
as he comes at you with a counter-proposal. It seems so 
reasonable. And while you know he ia putting hack upon you 
the very task you are trying to persuade him to undertake, 
he does it BO graciously that you can scarcely resist liking it. 
He has the manner of having done what you ask without 
actually doing more than to make you feel warm at having 
met him. It is a kind of elegant statecraft which has its point 
of grace, but which is exasperating when effectiveness is needed. 
Not that Colonel House was not a supporter of the federal 
amendment. He was. But his gentle, soft and traditional 
kind of diplomacy would not employ high-powered pressure. 
"I shall be going to Washington soon on other matters, and 
I shall doubtless see the President. Perhaps he may bring up 
the subject in conversation, and if he does, and the oppor- 
tunity offers itself, I may be able to do something." Some such 
gentle threat would come from the Colonel. He was not quite 
so tender, however, in dealing with Democratic senators, after 
the President declared for the amendment. He did try to win 

Ex-President Taft, then joint Chairman of the National 
War Labor Board, was interviewed at his desk just after 
rendering an important democratic labor award. 

"No, indeed! I'll do nothing for a proposition which adds 
more voters to our electorate. I thought my position on this 
question was well known," said Mr. Taft. 

"But we thought you doubtless had changed your mind 

since the beginning of our war for democracy " I started 

to answer. 

"This is not a war (or democracy," he said emphatically, 
looking quizzically at me for my assertion; "if it were, I 





m " 


wouldn't be doing anything for it. . . . The trouble in this 
country is we've got too many men voting as it is. Why, Fd 
take the vote away from most of tlie men," he added. I wanted 
to ask him what men he would leave voting. I wanted also to 
tell liim they were taking the vote away from one class of men 
in Russia at that moment. 

Instead, I said, "Well, I'm not quite sure whom we could 
trust to sit in judgment" — while he looked smiling and serene, 
as much as to say, "Oh, tliat would be a simple matter." 

"However," I said, "we have no quarrel with you. YoQ 
are an avowed aristocrat, and we respect your candor. Our 
quarrel is with democrats who will not ti-ust their own doe- 
tnnes," Again he smiled with as much sophistication as such 
a placid face could achieve, and that was all. I believe Mr. 
Taft has lately modified his attitude toward women voting, 
I do not know how he squares that with his distaste of 

There was Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
Federation of Labor, high in Administration confidence. It 
was a long wait before Abby Scott Baker and I were allowed 
into his sanctum. 

"Well, ladies, what can I do for you?" was the opening 
question, and we thought happily here is a man who will not 
bore us with his life record on behalf of women. He comes to 
the point with direction. 

"Will you speak to the President on behalf of your organ- 
ization, which has repeatedly endorsed national sutTrage, to 
induce him to put more pressure behind the Senate which is 
delaying suffrage?" we asked with equal direction. We con- 
cealed a heavy sigh as a reminiscent look came into his shrewd, 
wan eyes, and he began: 

'Doubtless you ladies do not know that as long ago as 
1888" — I believe that was the date — "my organization sent a 
petition to the United States Congress praying for the adop- 

tion of this very amendment and we have stood for it ever 
since. . . ." 

"Don't you think it is about time that prayer was an- 
swered?" we ventured to interrupt. But his reverie could not 
be disturbed. He looked at us coldly, for he was living in the 
past, and continued to recount the patient, enduring qualities 
of his organization. 

"I will speak to my secretary and see what the organization 
can do," he said finally. We murmured again that it was the 
President we wislied him to speak to, but we left feeling reason- 
ably certain that there would be no dynamic pressure from 
this cautious leader. 

Herbert Hoover was the next mafa we sought. Here we 
encountered the well-groomed secretary who would not carr^ 
our cards into his chief. 

•'Mr. Hoover has appointments a week ahead," he said. 
"For example, his chart for to-day includes a very important 
conference with some grain men from the Northwest," . . . 
and he continued to recite the items of the chart, ending with 
"a dinner at the Wliitc House to-night." 

'If we could see him for just five minutes," we persisted, 
"he could do what we ask this very night at the Wliite House." 
But the t rained- to-protect secretary was obdurate. 

"^Ve shall leave a written request for five minutes at Mr. 
Hoover's convenience," we said, and prepared the letter. 

Time passed without answer. Mrs. Baker and I were com- 
pelled to go again to Mr. Hoover's office. 

Again we were greeted by the affable secretary, who on this 
occasion recounted not only his chief's many pressing engage- 
ments, but his devoted family life — his Saturday and Sunday 
hs})its which were "so dreadfully cut into by his heavy work." 
We wer« sympathetic but firm. Would Mr. Hoover not be 
willing to answer our letter? Would he not be willing to state 
publicly that he thought the amendment ought to be passed 


I iW 





in the Senate? Would the secretary, in short, please go 
him to ascertain if he would be willing to say a single word in 
behalf of the political liberty of women? The secretary dis- 
appeared and returned to say, "Mr. Hoover wishes me to tell 
you ladies he can give no time whatever to the consideration of 
your question until after the war is over. This is final." 

The Chief Food Administrator would continue to demand 
sacrifices of women throughout the war, but he would not give 
so much as a thought to their rights in return. Mr, Hoover 
was the only important man in public life who steadfastly 
refused to see our representatives. After announcing his 
candidacy for nomination to tlie Presidency he authorized his 
secretary to write us a letter saying he had always been for 
woman suffrage. 

Mr. Bainbridge Colby, then piember of the Emergency 
Fleet Corporation of the Shipping Board and member of the 
Inter-Allied Council whicl) sat on shipping proWems, now 
Secretary of State in President Wilson's Cabinet, was ap- 
proached as a suffragist, known to have access to the President. 
Mr. Colby had just returned from abroad when I saw him. 
He is a cultivated gentleman, but he knows how to have super- 
lative enthusiasm. 

"In the light of the world events," he said, "this reform is 
insignificant. No time or energy ought to be diverted from 
the great program of crushing the Germans." 

"But can we not do that," I asked, "without neglecting 
internal liberties?" 

Mr. Colby is a strong conformist. He became grave. 
When I was indiscreet enough to reveal that I was inclined 
to pin my faith to the concrete liberty of women, rather than 
to a vague and abstract "human freedom," which was sup- 
posed to descend upon the world, once the Germans were beaten, 
I know he wanted to call me "seditious." But he is a gallant 


gentleman and he only frowned with distress. He continued 
with enthusiasm to plan to build ships. 

Bernard Baruch, then member of the Advisory Committee 
of the Council of National Defense, later economic expert at 
the Peace Conference, was able to see the war and the women's 
problem at the same time. He is an able politician and was 
therefore sensitive to our appeal ; he saw the passage of the 
amendment as a political asset. I do not know how much he 
believed in the principle. That was of minor importance. 
What was important was that he agreed to tell the President 
that he believed it wise to put more pressure on the measure 
in the Senate. Also I believe Mr. Baruch was one member of 
the Administration who realized in the midst of the episode 
that arresting women was bad politics, to say nothing of the 
doubtful chivalry of it. 

George Creel, chairman of the Committee on Public Infor- 
mation, was also asked for help. We went to him many times, 
because his contact with the President was constant. A suf- 
fragist of long standing, he nevertheless hated our militant 
tactics, for he knew we were winning and the Administration 
was losing. He is a strange composite. Working at terrific 
tension and mostly under fire, he was rarely in calm enough 
mood to sit down and devise ways and means. 

"But" I talk to the President every day on this matter'* — ■ 
and — "I am doing all I can" — and— "The President is doing 
all he can" — ^he would drive at you — without stopping for 

"But if you will just ask him to get Senator '* 

"He is working on the Senator now. You people must give 
him time. He has other things to do," he would say, sweeping 
aside every suggestion. Familiar advice! 

Charles D. Hilles, former Chairman of the Republican 
National Committee, was a leader who had come slowly to 
believe in national suffrage. But, once convinced, he was a 



faithful and dependable colleague who gave practical political 

William Randolph Hearst in powerful editorials called 
upon the Senators to act. Mr. R. J. Caldwell of New York, 
life-long suffragist, Bnancier and man of alTairs, faithfully and 
persistently stood by the amendment and by the militonta, 
A more generous contributer and more diligent ally could not 
be found. A host of public men were interviewed and the great 
majority of them did help at this critical juncture. It is 
impossible to give a list that even approaches adequacy, 80 
I shall not attempt it. 

Our pressure from below and that of the leaders from 
above began to have its effect. An attempt was made by 
Administration leaders to force a vote on May 19, 1918. 
PViends interceded when it was shown that not enough votes 
were pledged to secure passage. Again the vote was tenta- 
tively set for June 27 th and again postponed. 

The Republicans, led by Senator Gallinger, provided skir- 
mishes from time to time. Tlie Administration was accused on 
the floor of blocking action, to which accusation its leaders dJd 
not even reply. 

Still unwilling to believe that we would bo forced to resume 
our militancy we attempted to talk to the President again. 
A special deputation of women munition workers was sent to 
him under our auspices. The women waited for a week, hoping 
he would consent to see them among his receptions — to the 
Blue Devils of France, to a Committee of Indians, to a Com- 
mittee of Irish Patriots, and so forth. 

"No time," was the answer. And the munition workers 
were forced to submit their appeal in writing. 

"We are only a few of the thousands of American women," 
they wrote the President, "who are forming a growing part of 
the army at home. The work we arc doing is hard and danger- 
ous to life and health, making detonators, handling TNT, the 

highest of all explosives. We want to be recognized by our 
country, as much her citizens as our soldiers are." 

Mr. Tumulty replied for the President: 

"The President asks me to say that nothing you or jour 
associates could say could possibly increase his very deep 
interest in this matter and that he is doing everything that he 
could with honor and propriety do in behalf of the [auffragej 

An opportunity was given the President to show again his 
sympathy for a world-wide endeavor just after having ignored 
this specific opportunity at home. He hastened to accept the 
larger field. In response to a memorial transmitted throu^ 
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, President of the International 
Woman Suffrage Alliance, the French Union for Woman 
Suffrage urged the President to use his aid on their behalf 
"which will be a powerful influence for woman suffrage in the 
entire world." The memorial was endorsed by the suffrage 
conmiittee of Great Britain, Italy, Belgium, and Portugal. 
The President took the occasion to say: "The democratic 
reconstruction of the world will not have been completely or 
adequately obtained until women are admitted to the suffrage. 
As for America it is my earnest hope that the Senate of the 
United States will give an unmistakable answer by passing the 
federal amendment before the end of this session." 

Meanwhile four more Democratic Senators pledged their 
support to the amendment. Influenced by the President's 
declaration of support, and by widespread demands from their 
constituents. Senators Phelan of California, King of Utahi 
Gerry of Rhode Island, and Culberson of Texas abandoned the 
ranks of the opposition. 

During this same period the Republican side of the Senate 
gave five more Republican Senators to the. amendment. They 
were Senators McCumbcr of North Dakota, Kellogg of Minne- 
sota, Harding of Ohio, Page of Vermont, and Sutherland of 


West Virginia. All of these men except Senator McCumber ^ 
were won through the pressure from Republican Party leaders. 

This gain of nine recruits reduced to two the number of 
Totes to be won. 

When at the end of seven months from the time the amend- 
ment had passed the House, we still lacked these two votes, 
and the President gave no assurance that he would put forth 
sufficient effort to secure them, we were compelled to renew 
our attacks upon the President. 

* Senator McCumber, though opposed, was compelled to support the 
measure^ by the action of the N. D. legislature commanding him to do so. 


THE Senate was about to rcccsa. No assurance was 
^ven by the majority that suffrage would be consid- 
ered either before or after the recess. Alarmed and 
aroused, we decided upon a nationiil protest in Washingtoa 
August 6th, the anniversary of the birth of Inez Milholland. 

The protest took the form of a meeting at the base of the 
Lafayette monument in the park, directly opposite the White 
House. Women from many states in the Union, dressed in 
white, hatless and coatloss in the midsummer heat of Wash- 
ington, marched to the monument carrying banners of purple, 
white and gold, led by a standard-bearer carrying the Ameri- 
can flag. They made a beautiful mass of color as they grouped 
themselves around the statue, against the abundant green 
foliage of the park. 

The Administration met this simple reasonable fona of 
protest by further arrests, 

Mrs. Lawrence Lewis of Philadelphia, the first speaker* 
began: "We are here because when our country is at war for 
Kbcrty and democracy . . ," At that point she was roughly 
seized by a policeman and placed under arrest. The great 
audience stood in absolute and amazed silence. 

Miss Hazel Hunkins of Montana took her place. "Here 
at the statue of Lafayette, who fought for the liberty of this 
country," she began, "and under the American flag, I am ask- 
ing for . . ," She was immediately arrested. 

Miss Vivian Pierce of California began : "President Wilfioa 


has said . 



m the pliDth to the waifc- 
ing patrol. 

One after another came forward in an attempt to spealc, 
but no one was allowed to continue. Wholesale arrests fol- 
lowed. Just as tlic women were being taken into custody, 
according to the New York Evening World of August IStb. 
"the President walked out of the northeast gate of the White 
House and up Pennsylvania Avenue for a conference with 
Director General of Railroads McAdoo. The President 
glanced across the street and smiled." 

Before the crowd could really appreciate what had hap~ 
pened, forty-eight women had been hustled to the police station 
by the wagon load, their gay banners floating from the backs 
of the somber patrols. They were told that the police had 
arrested them under the orders of Co!. C. S. Ridley, the Presi- 
dent's military aide, and assistant to the Chief Engineer at- 
tached to the War Department. All were released on bail and 
ordered to appear in court the following day. 

When they appeared they were informed by the Govern- 
ment's attorney that he would have to postpone the trial until 
the following Tuesday so that he might examine witnesses to 
see "what offense, if any, the women would be charged with." 

"I cannot go on with this case," he said, "/ have had no 
orderi. There are no precedents for cases like these. . . ." 

The women demanded that their cases be dismissed, or else 
a charge made against them. They were merely told to return 
on the appointed day. Such was the indignation aroused 
against the Administration for taking this action that Senator 
Curtis of Kansas, Republican whip, could say publicly: 

"The truth of this statement is made evident by the admis- 
sion of the court that the forty-eight suffragists are arrested 
upon absolutely do charges, and that these women, among 
them munition workers and Red Cross workers, are held in 
Washington until next Tuesday, under arrest, while the United 


States attorney for the District of Columbia decides for vhat 
oifense, 'if any,' tliey were arrested. 

"The meeting was culled to make a justified protest against 
continued blocking of the suffrage amendment by the Demo- 
cratic majority in the Senate. It is well known that three- 
fourths of tlie Republican membership in the Senate are ready 
to vote for the amendment, but under the control of the Demo- 
cratic majority the Senate has recessed for six weeks without 
making any provision for action on this important amendment. 

'^n justice to the women who have been working ao hard 
for the amendment it should be passed at the earliest date, 
and if action is not taken on it soon after the resumption of 
business in the Senate there is every possibility that it will not 
be taken during this Congress, and the hard-won victory in 
the House of Representatives will have been won for nothing." 

When they finally came to trial ten days after their arrest, 
to face the charge of "holding a meeting in public grounds," 
and for eighteen of tlie defendants an additional charge of 
"climbing on a statue," the women answered the roll call but 
remained silent thereafter. The familiar farce ensued. Some 
were released for lack of identification. The others were sen- 
tenced to the District Jail — for ten days if they had merely 
assembled to hold a public meeting, for 6fteen days if they bad 
also "climbed on a statue," 

The Administration evidently hoped by lighter sentences to 
avoid a hunger strike by the prisoners. 

The women were taken immediately to a building, formerly 
used as a man's workhouse, situated in the swamps of the 
District prison grounds. This building, which had been de- 
clared unfit for human habitation by a committee appointed 
under President Roosevelt in 1909, and which had been unin- 
habited ever since, was now reopened, nine years later, to 
receive twenty-six women who had attempted to hold a meeting 
in a public park in Washington. The women protested in a 




body and demanded to be treated aa political prisoners. This 
being refused, all save two verj elderly women, too frail to do 
BO, went on hunger strike at once. 

This last lodgment was the worst. Hideous aspects which 
had not hern encountered in the workhouse and jail proper 
were encountered here. The cells, damp and cold, were below 
the level of the upper door and entirely below the high win- 
dows. The doors of the cell were partly of solid steel with 
only a small section of grating, so that a very tiny amount of 
light penetrated the cellH. The wash basins were small and 
unsightly; the toilet open, with no pretense of covering. ITie 
cots were of iron, without any spring, and with only a thin 
straw pallet to lie upon. Tlie heating facilities were anti- 
quated and the place was always cold. So frightful were the 
nauseating odors which permeated the place, and so terriMe 
was the drinking water from the disused pipes, that one pris- 
oner after another became violently ill. 

*'I can hardly describe that atmosphere," said Mrs, W. D. 
I Ascough, of Connecticut. "It was a deadly sort of smell, in- 
BJdious and revolting. It oppressed and stilled us. There was 
ao escape." 

As a kind of relief from these revolting odors, they took 
their straw pallets from the cells to the floor outside. They 
were ordered back to their cells but refused in a body to go. 
They preferred the stone floors to the vile odors within, which 
kept them nauseated. 

Conditions were so shocking that Senators began to nsit 
their constituents in this terrible hole. Many of them pro- 
tested to the authorities. Protests came in from the country, 

At the end of the fifth day the Administration succumbed 
to the hunger strike and released the prisoners, trembling with 
weakness, some of them with chills and some of them in a high 

Prisonkbb ok Stbaw Pauxts os Jail Fli 



fever, acarcelj aWe even to walk to the ambulance or motor 

We had won from the Administration, however, a conces- 
sion to our protest. Prior to the release of the prisoners we 
bad announced that in spite of the previous arrests a second 
protest meeting would be held on the same spot, A permit to 
hold tliis second protest meeting was granted us, 

"I have been advised [Col. Ridley wrote to Misa Paul] 
that you desire to hold a demonstration in Lafayette Square 
on Thursday, August 22d, By direction of the chief of enp- 
neers, U. S. Army, you are hereby granted permission to hold 
this demonstration. You are ad\-ised good order must prevail." 

"We received yesterday [Miss Paul replied] your permit 
for a suffrage demonstration in Lafayette Park this after- 
noon, and are very glad that our meetings are no longer to be 
interfered with. Because of the illness of so many of our 
members, due to their treatment in prison this last week, and 
with the necessity of caring for them at headquarters, we are 
planning to hold our next meeting a little later. We have not 
determined on the exact date but we will inform you of the 
time as soon as it is decided upon." 

It was reported on credible authority that this concession 
was the result of a conference at which the President, Secre- 
tary of War Baker and Colonel Ridley were present. It was 
said that Secretary Baker and Colonel Ridley persuaded the 
President to withdraw the orders to arrest us and allow our 
meetings to go on, even though they took the form of attacks 
upon the President. 

Two days after the release of the women, the Republican 
Party, for the first time in the history of woman sufTragCi 
caucused in the Senate in favor of forcing suffrage to a vote. 

The resolution which was passed unanimously by the caucus 
determined to "insist upon consideration immediately" and 
"also to insist upon a final vote ... at the earliest possible 



moment. . . . Provided, That this resolution sJiall not be con- 
Btmed as in any way binding the action or vote of any Mem- 
ber of the Senate upon the merits of the said womaD suffrage 

While not a direct attempt, therefore, to win more Repub- 
lican Senators, this proved a very great tactical contribution 
to the cause. The Republicans were proud of their sutfrage 
strength. They knew the Democrats were not. With the Con- 
gressional elections approaching the Republicans meant to do 
their part toward acquainting the country with the Adminis- 
tration's policy of vacillation and delay. This was not only 
helpful to the Republicans politically; it was also advantageous 
to the amendment in that it goaded the majority into action. 

Nice months had passed since the vote in the House and 
we were perilously near the end of the session, when on the 
16th of September, Senator Overman, Democrat, Chaii^ 
man of the Rules Committee, stated to our Legislative Chair- 
man that suffrage was "not on the program for this session" 
and that the Senate would recess in a few days for the election 
campaigns without considering any more legislation. On the 
same day Senator Jones, Chairman of the Suffrage Committee, 
announced to us that he would not even call his Committee 
together to consider taking a vote. 

We had announced a fortnight earlier that another protest 
meeting would be held at the base of the Lafayette Monument 
that day, September 16th, at four o'clock. No sooner had 
this protest been announced than the President publicly stated 
that he would receive a delegation of Southern and Western 
women partisans on the question of the amendment at tvo 
o'clock the same day. 

To this delegation he said, "I am, as I think you know, 
heartily in sympathy with you. I have endeavored to assist 
you in every way in my power, and I shall continue to do so. 



I teHZ do aU I can to urge the pagsage of the amcndtn^nt by an 
early vote." 

Presumably this was expected to disarm us and perhaps 
silence our demonstration. However, it merely moved us to 
make another hasty visit to Senator Overmarty Chaimi&n of 
the Rules Committee, and to Senator Jones, Chairman of the 
Suffrage Committee, between the hours of two and four to see 
if the President's statement that he would do all he could to 
secure an early vote had altered their statements made earlier 
in the day. 

These Admin i strati on leaders assured us that their state- 
ments stood; that no provision had been made for action on 
the amendment; that the President's statement did not mean 
that a vote would be taken this session ; and that they did not 
contemplate being so advised by him. 

Such a situation was intolerable. The President was utteiv 
ing more fine words, while his Administration leaders inter- 
preted them to mean nothing, because they were not followed 
up by action on his part. 

We thereupon changed our demonstration at four o'clock 
to a more drastic form of protest. We took these words of 
the President to the base of Lafayette Monument and burned 
them in a flaming torch. 

A throng gathered to hear the speakers. Ceremonies were 
opened with the reading of the following appeal by Mrs. Rich- 
ard Wainwright, wife of Rear-Admiral Wainwright: 

"Lafayette, we are here ! 

"We, the women of the United States, denied the liberty 
which you helped to gain, and for which we have asked in vain 
for sixty years, turn to you to plead for us. 

"Speak, Lafayette, dead these hundred years but still living 
in the hearts of the American people. Speak again to plead 
for us like the bronze woman at your feet, condemned like us 
to a silent appeal. She offers you a sword. Will you not use 


for us the sword of the spirit, mightier far than the sword she 
holds out to you? 

"WiU you not ask the great leader of democracy to look 
upon the failure of our beloved country to be in truth the place 
where every one is free and equal and entitled to a share in the 
government? Let that outstretched hand of yours pointing 
to the White House recall to him his words and promises, his 
trumpet call for all of us, to see that the world is made safe 
for democracy. 

"As our array now in France spoke to you there, saying 
here we are to help your country fight for liberty, will you not 
speak here and now for us, a little band with no army, no 
power but justice and right, no strength but in our Constitu- 
tion and in the Declaration of Independence; and win a great 
victory again in this country by giving us the opportunity we 
ask, — to be heard through the Susan B. Anthony amendment. 

"Lafayette, we are here!" 

Before the enthusiastic applause for Mrs. Wainwright's 
appeal had died away. Miss Lucy Branham of Baltimore 
stepped forward with a flaming torch, which she applied to the 
President's latest words on suffrage. The police looked on 
and smiled, and the crowd cheered as she said: 

"The torch which I hold symbolizes the burning indignation 
of the women who for years have been given words without 
action. . . ■ 

"For five years women have appealed to this President and 
his party for political freedom. The President has ^ven 
words, and words, and words. To-day women receive more 
words. We announce to the President and the whole world 
to-day, by this act of ours, our determination that words shall 
not longer be the only reply given to American women — our 
detennination that this same democracy for whose establish- 
ment abroad wc are making the utmost sacrifice, shall also 
prevail at home. 


"Wc have protested to this Administration bj banners ; we 
have protested by speeches; we now protest by this symbolic 

"As in the ancient fights for libcrtv, the crusaders for 
freedom symbolized tlicJr protest against those responsible for 
injustice by consigning their hollow phrases to the flames, so 
we, on behalf of thousands of suffragists, in this same way 
to-day protest against the action of the President and bis 
party in delaying the liberation of American women." 

Mrs. Jessie Hardy Mackaye of Washington, D. C, then 
came forward to the end of the pbnth to speak, and as she 
appeared, a man in the crowd handed her a twenty-dollar bill 
for the campaign in the Senate. This was the signal for 
others. Bills and coins were passed up. Instantly marshals 
ran hitlier and tliither collecting the money in improvised 
baskets while the cheers grew louder and louder. Many of the 
policemen present were among the donors. 

Burning President Wilson's words had met with popular 
approval from a large crowd! 

The procession of women was starting back to headquar- 
ters, the police were eagerly clearing the way for the line; the 
crowd was dispersing in order; the great golden banner, "Mr. 
President, what will you do for woman suffrage?" was just 
swin^ng past the White House gate, when President Wilson 
stepped into bis car for the afternoon drive. 



THE next day the Administration completelj reversed its 
policy. Almost the first Senate business was an an- 
nouncement on the floor by Senator Jones, Chairman 
of the Suffrage Committee, that the suffrage amendment would 
be considered in the Senate September 26th, And Senator 
Overman, Chairman of the Rules Committee, rather shyly 
remarked to our legislative chairman that he had been "mis- 
taken yesterday," It was "now in the legislative program," 
ITie Senate still stood 62 votes for and 34 against the amend- 
ment — 2 votes lacking. The President made an effort among 
individual Democrats to secure them. But it was too feeble 
an effort and he failed. 

Chairman Jones took charge of the measure on the floor. 
The debate opened with a long and eloquent speech by Senator 
Vardaman of Mississippi, Democrat, in support of the amend- 
ment. "My estimate of woman," said he, in conclusion, "is well 
expressed in the words employed by a distinguished author 
who dedicated his book to a 'Little mountain, a great meadow, 
and a woman,' 'To the mountain for the sense of time, to the 
meadow for the sense of space, and to the woman for the sense 
of everything,'" 

Senator McCumber of North Dakota, Republican, followed 
with a curious speech. His problem was to explain why, 
although opposed to suffrage, he would vote for the amend- 
ment. Beginning with the overworked "cave man" and "beasts 
of the forests," and down to the present day, "the male had 


always protected the female." He always would ! Forgetting 
recent events in the Capital, he went so far as to say, "... In 
our courts she ever finds in masculine nature an asylum of 
protection, even though she may have committed great wrong. 
While the mind may be convinced beyond any doubt, the mascu- 
line heart finds it almost impossible to pronounce the word 
'guilty' against a woman." Scarcely had the galleries ceased 
smiling at this idea when he treated them to a novel applica- 
tion of the biological theory of inheritance. "The political 
field," he declared, "always has been and probably always will 
be an arena of more or less bitter contest. The political 
battles leave scars as ugly and lacerating as the physical 
battles, and the more sensitive the nature the deeper and more 
lasting the wound. And as no man can enter this contest or 
be a party to it and assume its responsibilities without feeling 
its blows and suffering its wounds, much less can woman with 
her more emotional and more sensitive nature. 

"But . . . you may ask why should she be relieved from 
the scars and wounds of political contest? Because they do 
not affect her alone but arc Iramvntted through her to gen- 
erations yet to come. ..." 

The faithful story of the sinking ship was invoked by t?ie 
Senator from North Dakota. One might almost imagine after 
listening to Congressional debates for some years that travel- 
ing on sinking ships formed a large part of human experience. 
"Fathers, sons, and brothers," said the Senator in tearful 
voice, "guarding the lifeboats until every woman from the 
highest to the lowest has been made safe, waving adieu with a 
smile of cheer on their lips, while the wounded vessel slowly 
bears them to a strangling death and a watery tomb, belie the 
charge . . ." that woman needs her citizenship as a form of 

In spite of these opinions, however, the Senator was obliged 
to vote for the amendment because his slate had so ordered. 


Senator Hardwiek of Georgia, Democrat, felt somewhat 
betrayed that the suffrage plank iu the platform of his party 
in 1916, recommending state action, should be so carelessly set 
aside. "There is not a I>cmocratic Senator present," said 
Mr. Hardwiek, "who does not know the history that lies back 
of the adoption of that plank. There is not a Democratic 
Senator who does not know that the plank was written here in 
Washington and sent to tlie convention and represented the 
deliberate voice of the administration and of the party on this 
question, which was to remit thia question to the several States 
for action. . . . 

"The President of the United States . . . was reported 
... to have sent this particular plank . . . from Washing- 
ton, supposedly by the hands of one of his Cabinet ofEccrs." 
The fact that his own party and the Republican party were 
both advancing on suffrage irritated him into denouncing the 
alacrity with which "politicians and senators are trying to get 
on the band wagon first." 

Senator McKellar of Tennessee, Democrat, reduced the 
male superiority argument to simple terms when he said: 
"... Taking them bj and large, there are brainy men and 
brainy women, and that is about all there is to the proposi- 

Our armies were sweeping victorious toward Germany. 
There was round on round of eloquence about the glories of 
war. Rivers of blood flowed. And always the role of woman 
was depicted as a contented binding of wounds. There were 
those who thought woman should be rewarded for such service. 
Others thought she ought to do it without asking anything in 
return. But all agreed that this was her role. There was 
no woman's voice in that body to protest against the perpetuity 
of such a role. 

The remarks of Senator Reed of Missouri, anti-suffrage 
Democrat, typify this attitude. "... Women in my state 


believe in the old-fashioned doctrine that men should fight the 
battles on the red line; that men should stand and bare their 
bosoms to the iron hail; and that back of them, if need be, 
there shall be women who may bind up the wounds and whose 
tender hands may rest upon the brow of the valiant soldier 
who has gone down in the fight. 

"But, sir, that is woman's work, and it has been woman's 
work always. . . . The woman who gave her first bom a final 
kiss and blessed him on his way to battle," had, according to 
the Senator from Missouri, earned a "crown of glory . ,* . 
gemmed with the love of the world.*' 

And with Senator Walsh of Montana, Democrat, "The 
women of America have already written a glorious page in the 
history of the greatest of wars that have vexed the world. 
They, like Cornelia, have pven, and freely given, their jewels 
to their country." 

Some of us wondered. 

Senator McLean of Connecticut, anti-suffrage Republican, 
flatly stated "that all questions involving declarations of war 
and terms of peace should be left to that sex which must do 
the fighting and the dying on the battlefield." And he further 
said that until boys between 18 and 21 who had just been 
called to the colors should ask for the vote, "their mothers 
should be and remain both proud and content" without it. He 
concluded with an amusing account of the history of the ballot 
box, "This joint resolution," he said, "goes beyond the seas 
and above the clouds. It attempts to tamper with the ballot 
box, over which mother nature always has had and always will 
have supreme control; and such attempts always hare ended 
and always will end in failure and misfortune." 

Senator Phelan of California, Democrat, made a straight- 
forward, intelligent speech. 

Senator Beckham of Kentucky, Democrat, deplored the 
idea that man was superior to woman. He pleaded "guilty to 



the charge of Romanticism." He said, "But I look upon ] 
woman as superior to man." Therefore he could not trust her 
with a vote. He had the hardihood to say further, with the 
men of the world at each other's throats, . . . "Woman is the , 
civilizing, refining, elevating influence that holds man from 
barbarism." We charged him with ignorance as well as 
romanticism when he said in closing, "It is the duty of man to . 
work and labor for woman ; to cut the wood, to carry the coa^ 
to go into the fields in the necessary labor to sustain the home ■ 
where the woman presides and by her superior nature elevates 
him to higher and belter conceptions of life." 

Meanwhile Senator Shafroth of Colorado, Democrat, life- 
long advocate of suffrage, was painstakingly asking one sen- 
ator after another, as he had been for years, "Does not the 
Senator belitve that the just powers of government are de- 
rived from the consent of the govemedP" and then — *'But if 
you have the general principle acknowledged that the just 
powers of government are derived from the consent of the gov- 


erned." . . . and so forth. But the idea of applying the Decla- 
ration of Independence to modern politics fairly put them to 

These samples of senatorial profundity may divert, out- 
rage, or bore us, but they do not represent the real battle. 
It is not that the men who utter these sentiments do not be- 
lieve them. More is the pity, they do. But they are smoke 
screens — mere skirmishes of eloquence or foolishness. They do 
not represent the motives of their political acts. 

The real excitement began when Senator Pittraan of Ne* 
Tada, Democrat, attempted to reveal to the senators of his 
party the actual seriousness of the political crisis in which 
the Democrats were now involved. He also attempted to shift 
the blame for threatened defeat of the amendment to the Re- 
publican side of the chamber. There was a note of desperation 
in his voice, too, since he knew that President Wilson had not 


up to that moment won the two votes lacking. The gist of 
Senator Pittraan's remarks was this: The Woman's Party has 
charged the Senate Woman Su£Frage Committee, which is in 
control of the Democrats, and the President himself, with the 
responsibility for obstructing a vote on the measure. "I con- 
fess," said he, that this is "having its effect as a campaign 
argument" in the woman suffrage states. 

Senator Wolcott of Delaware, Democrat, interrupted him 
to ask if this was "the party that has been picketing here in 
Washington?" Senator Pittman, having just paid this tribute 
to our campaign in the West, hastened to say that it was, but 
that there was another association, the National American Wo- 
man Suffrage Association, which had always conducted its cam- 
paign in a "lady-like — modest- — and intelligent way" and which 
had "never mixed in politics." 

Waving a copy of the Suffragist in the air, Senator Pitt- 
man began his attempt to shift responsibility to the Repub- 
lican side, for the critical condition of the amendment. He 
denounced the Republicans for caucusing on the amendment 
and deciding unanimously to press for a vote, when they [the 
Republicans] knew there were two votes lacking. He scored 
us for having given so much publicity to the action of the 
caucus and declared with vehemence that a "trick" had been 
executed through Senator Smoot which he would not allow to 
go unrevealed. Senator Pittman charged that the Republicans 
had promised enough votes to pass the amendment and that 
upon that promise the Democrats had brought the measure on 
the floor; that tlie Republicans thereupon withdrew enough 
votes to cause the defeat of the amendment. Whether or not 
this was true, at any rate, as Senator Smoot pointed out, the 
Democratic Chairman in charge of the measure could at any 
moment send the measure back to Committee, safe from im- 
mediate defeat. This was true, but not exactly a suggestion 
to be welcomed by the Democrats. 




"Yes," replied Senator Pittman, "and then if we move to 
refer it back to the committee, the Senator from Utah would 
say again, 'The Democrats are obstructing the passage of thii 
amendment. . , . We told jon all the time they wanted to 
kill it.' ... If wo refer it back to the committee, then we will 
be charged, as we have been all the time in the suffrage states, 
with trying to prevent a vote on it, and still the Woman's 
Party campaign will go on as it is going on now; and if we 
vote on it they will say: *We told you the Democrats would 
lull it, because the President would not make 32 on his side 
vote for it'.'* 

That was the crux of the whole situation. The Democrats 
had been manceuvercd into a position where they could neither 
afford to move to refer the amendment back to the committee, 
nor could they afford to press Jt to a losing vote. They were 
indeed in an exceedingly embarrassing predicament. 

Tliroughout hours of debate. Senator Pittman could not 
get away from the militants. Again and again, he recited our 
deeds of protest, our threats of reprisal, our relentless strategy 
of holding his party responsible for defeat or victory. 

"I should like the Senator," interpolated Senator Poin- 
dexter of Washington, Republican, *'so long as he is discussing 
the action of the pickets, to explain to the Senate whether or 
not it is the action of the pickets . . , the militant . . . wo- 
man's party, that caused the President to change his attitude 
on the subject. Was he coerced into supporting this measure 
— after he had for years opposed it — because he was picketed? 
When did the President change his attitude? If it was not 
because he was picketed, will the Senator explain what was the 
cause of the change in the President's attitude?" 

Mr. Pittman did not reply directly to these questions. 

Senator Reed of Missouri, anti-Administration Democrat, 
consumed hours reading into tlie Congressional Record various 




press reports of militant activities. He dwelt particularly 
upon the nctrs headlines, such as, 

"Great Washington Crowd Cheers Demonstration at White 
House by National Woman's Party." . , . 

"Suffragists Bum Wilson 'Jdle Words* . . ." 

"Money Instead of Jeers Greet Marchers and Unique Pro- 
test Against Withholding Vote" , . . 

"Apply Torch to President's Words , . , Promise to Urge 
Passage of Amendment Not Definite Enough for Militants." 

"Suff's Bum Speech . . . Apply Torch to Wilson's Words 
During Demonstration — Symbol of 'Indignation* — Throngs 
Witnessing Doings in Lafayette Square Orderly and Con- 
tribute to Fund — President Receives Delegation of American 
Suffrage Association Women." 

Senator McKetlar of Tennessee, Democrat, asked Mr. Reed 
if he did not believe that we had a right peaceably to assemble 
under the "first amendment to our Constitution which I shall 
read: Congress shall make no law . , . abridging . . , the 
right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the 
Government for a redress of grievances." Mr. Reed made no 
direct answer. 

Lest the idea get abroad from the amount of time they 
spent in discussing the actions of the "wicked militants," that 
wc had had something to do with the situation wluch had re- 
sulted in Democratic despair. Senator Thomas of Colorado, the 
one Democrat who had never been able to conceal his hostility 
to us for having reduced his majority in 1911, arose to pay 
a tribute to the conservative suffrage association of America. 
Their "escutcheon," he said, "is unstained by mob methods 
or appeals to violence. It has neither picketed Presidents nor 
populated prisons. ... It has carried no banners flaunting 
insults to the Executive," while the militants on the other hand 
have indulged in "much tumult and vociferous braying, all for 
notoriety's sake." . . . The galleries smiled as he counseled 



the elder suffrage leaders "not to lose courage nor yet be faint' 
hearted," for this "handicap" would soon be overcome. It 
would have taken an abler man than Senator Thomas, in the 
face of the nature of this debate, to make anj' one believe that 
we had been a "handicap" in forcing them to their position. 
He was the only one hardy enough to try. After this debate 
the Senate adjourned, leaving things from the point of view of 
party politics, tangled in a hopeless knot. It was to untie this 
knot that tlie President returned hastily from New York in 
answer to urgent summons by long distance telephone, and 
went to the Capitol to deliver his memorable address. 

Mr. Vice President and (Jentlemen of the Senate: The on- ' 
usual circumstances of a world war in wluch we stand and are * 
judged in the view not only of our own people and our own 
consciences but also in view of all nations and all peoples will, 
I hope, justify in your thought, as it dous in mine, the mes- 
sage I have come to bring you. I regard the concurrence of the 
Senate in the constitutional amendment proposing the exten- 
sion of the suffrage to women as vitally essential to the suc- 
cessful prosecution of the great war of humanity in which we 
are engaged. I have come to urge upon you the considerations 
which have led me to that conclusion. It is not only my privi- 
lege, it is also my duty to appraise you of every circumstance 
and element involved in this momentous struggle which seems 
to me to affect its very processes and its outcome. It is my 
duty to win the war and to ask you to remove every obstac^ 
that stands in the way of winning it. 

I had assumed that the Senate would concur in the amend- 
ment because no disputable principle is involved but only a 
question of the method by which the suffrage is to be extended 
to women. There is and can be no party issue involved in it. 
Both of our great national parties are pledged, explicitly 
pledged, to equality of suffrage for tlic women of the country. 
Neither party, therefore, it seems to me, can justify hesitation 
as to the method of obtaining it, can ri^tfully hesitate to. 
substitute federal initiative for state initiative, if the early' 
adoption of the measure is necessary to the successful prose* 


cution of the war and if the method of state action proposed 
in party platforms of 1916 is impracticable within any reason- 
able length of time, if practicable at all. And its adoption is, 
in my judgment, clearly necessary to the successful prosecution 
of the war and the successful realization of the objects for 
which the war is being fought. 

That judgment, I take the liberty of urging upon you with 
solemn earnestness for reasons which I shall state very frankly 
and which I shall hope will seem as conclusivi^ to you as they 
have seemed to me. 

This is a peoples' war, and the peoples' thinking consti- 
tutes its atmosphere and morale, not the predilections of the 
drawing room or the political considerations of the caucus. 
If we be indeed democrats and wish to lead the world to democ- 
racy, we can ask other peoples to accept in proof of our sin- 
cerity and our ability to lead them whither they wish to be led 
nothing less persuasive and convincing than our actions. Ouiv 
professions will not suffice. Verification must be forthcoming 
when verification is asked for. And in this case verification 
is asked for, asked for in this particular matter. You ask by 
whom? Not through diplomatic channels; not by Foreign 
Ministers, not by the intimations uf parliaments. It is asked 
for by the anxious, expectant, suffering peoples with whom we 
are dealing and who are willing to put their destinies in some 
measure in our hands, if they are sure that we wish the same 
things that they wish. I do not speak by conjecture. It is not 
atone the voices of statesmen and of newspapers that reach me, 
and thf voicet of foolish and intemperate agitators do not 
reach tm at all! Through many, many channels I have been 
made aware what the plain, struggling, workaday folk are 
thinking upon whom the chief terror and suffering of this 
tragic war falls. They are looking to the great, powerful, 
famous democracy of the West to lead them to the new day 
for which they have so long waited; and they think, in their 
logical simplicity, that democracy means that women shall play 
their part in affairs alongside men and upon an equal footing 
with them. If we reject measures like this, in ignorance or 
defiance of what a new age has brought forth, of what they 
have seen but we have not, they will cease to follow or to trust 
D8. They have seen their own governments accept this inter- 

rE 289 I 



pretation of democracy,- — seen old governments like Great 
Britain, which did not profess to be democratic, promise read- 
ily and as of course this justice to women, though they had 
before refused it, the strange revelations of this war having 
made many tlungs new and plain to governments as well as to 

Are we alone to refuse to leam the lesson ? Are we alone to 
ask and take the utmost that women can give, — service and 
sacrifice of every kind, — and still say that we do not see what 
title that gives them to stand by our sides in the guidance of 
the affairs of their nation and ours? We have made part- 
ners of the women in this war; shall we admit them only to a 
partnership of sacrifice and suffering and toil and not to a 
partnership of privilege and of right? This war could not 
have been fought, either by the other nations engaged or by 
America, if it had not been for the services of the women, — 
services rendered in every sphere, — not only in the fields of 
effort in which we have been accustomed to see them work, 
but wherever men have worked and upon the very skirts and 
edges of the battle itself. We shall not only be distrusted but 
shall deserve to be distrusted if we do not enfranchise them 
with the fullest possible enfranchisement, as it is now certain 
that the other great free nations will enfranchise them. We 
cannot isolate our thought or our action in such a matter 
from the thought of the rest of the world. We must either 
conform or deliberately reject what they propose and resign 
the leadership of liberal minds to others. 

The women of America are too noble and too intelligent and 
too devoted to be slackers whether you give or withhold this 
thing that is mere justice; but I know Ihe magic it will work 
in their thoughts and spirits if you give it them. I propose it 
as I would propose to admit soldiers to the suffrage, the men 
fighting in the field for our liberties and the liberties of the 
world, were they excluded. The tasks of the women lie at the 
very heart of the war, and I know how much stronger that 
heart will beat if you do this just thing and show our women 
that you trust them as much as you in fact and of necessity 
depend upon them. 

Have I said that the passage of this amendment is a vitally 
necessary war measure, and do you need further proof P Do 


you stand in need of the trust of other peoples and of the 
trust of our women? Is that trust an asset or is it not? I 
tell you plainly, as coram a nder-in -chief of our armies and of 
the gallant men in our fleets, as the present spokesman of this 
people in our dealings with the men and women throughout the 
world who are now our partners, as the responsible head of a 
great government which stands and is questioned day by day 
as to its purposes, its principles, its hopes, whether they be 
serviceable to men everywhere or only to itself, and who must 
himself answer these questionings or be shamed, as the guide 
and director of forces caught in the grip of war and by the 
same token in need of every material and spiritual resource 
this great nation possesses, — I tell you plainly that this meas- 
ure which I urge upon you is vital to the winning of the war 
and to the energies alike of preparation and of battle. 

And not to the winning of the war only. It is vital to the 
right solution of the great problems which we must settle, and 
settle immediately, when the war is over. We shall need then 
a vision of affairs which is theirs, and, as we have never needed 
them before, the sympathy and insight and clear moral instinct 
of the women of the world. The problems of that time will 
strike to the roots of many things that we have not hitherto 
questioned, and I for one believe that our safety in those ques- 
tioning days, as well as our comprehension of matters that 
touch society to the quick, will depend upon the direct and 
authoritative participation of women in our counsels. We shall 
need their moral sense to preserve what is right and fine and 
worthy in our system of life as well as to discover just what it 
is that ought to be purified and reformed. Without their coun- 
selings we shall be only half wise. 

Tliat is my case. This is my appeal. Many may deny 
its validity, if they choose, but no one can brush aside or 
answer the arguments upon which it is based. The executive 
tasks of this war rest upon me. I ask that you lighten them 
and place in my hands instruments, spiritual instruments, 
which I do not now possess, wliich I sorely need, and which I 
have daily to apologize for not being able to employ. 

It was a truly beautiful appeal. 


When the applause and the excitement attendant upon the 
occasion of a message from the President had subsided, and 
the floor of the chamber liiid emptied itself of its distin^ished 
visitors, the debate was resumed. 

"If this resolution fails now," said Senator Jones of Wash- 
in^on, ranking Republican member of the Suffrage Committee, 
"it fails for lack of Democratic votes." 

Senator Cummins of Iowa, Republican, also a member of 
the Suffrage Committee, reminded opponents of the measure of 
the retaliatory tactics used by President Wilson when repudi- 
ated bj senators on other issues, "I sincerely hope," he said 
tauntingly, "that the President may deal kindly and leniently 
with those who are refusing to remove this obstacle which 
stands in his way. It has not been very long since the Presi- 
dent retired the junior Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Var- 
daman] from public life. Why,'' Because he refused at all 
times to obey the commands which were issued for his direction. 
The junior Senator from Georgia [Mr. Hardwick] suffered the 
same fate. How do you hope to escape? . ■ . My Democratic 
friends are either proceeding upon the hypothesis that the 
President is insincere or that they may be able to secure an 
immunity from him tliat these other unfortunate aspirants 
for olGce failed to secure." 

Senator Cummins chidcd Senator Reed for denouncing "the 
so-called militants who sought to bring their influence to bear 
upon the situation in rather a more forcible and decisive 
method than was employed by the national association. . . . 
I did not believe in the campaign they were pursuing (not one 
senator was brave enough to say outright that he did). . ■ . 

"But that was simply a question for them to determine; 
and if they thought that in accordance with the established 
custom the President should bring his influence to bear more 
efFectiveiy than he had, they had a perfect right to bum his 
message; they had a perfect right to carry banners in Lsfay- 


etle Park, in front of the White House, or anywhere else ; they 
had a perfect right to bring their banners into the Capitol 
and display them with all the force and vigor which they could 
command. I did not agree with them; but they also were mak- 
ing a campaign for an inestimable and a fundamental right, 

"What would you have done, men. if you had been deprived 
of the right to vote? What would j'ou have done if you had 
been deprived of the right of representation? Have the mili- 
tants done anything worse than the revolutionary forces who 
gathered about the tea chests and threw them into the sea? , . . 

"I do not t)elieve they [the militants] committed any crime; 
and while I had no particle of sympathy with the manner in 
which they were conducting their campaign, I think their arrest 
and imprisonment and the treatment which they received while 
in confinement are a disgrace to the civilized world, and much 
the more a disgrace to the United States, which assumes to 
lead the civilized world in humane endeavor. They disturbed 
nobody save that disturbance which is common to the carry- 
ing forward of all propaganda by those who are intensely and 
vitally interested in it. I wish they had not done it, but I 
am not to be the judge of their methods so long as they con- 
fine themselves to those acts and to those words which are 
fairly directed to the accomplishment of their purposes, I 
cannot accept the conclusion that because these women burned 
a message in Lafayette Park or because they carried banners 
upon the streets in Washington therefore they are criminals." 

The time had come to take the vote, but we knew we had 
not won. The roll was called and the vote stood 62 to 34 
[Oct. 1, 1918], counting all pairs. We had lost by 2 votes. 

Instantly Chairman Jones, according to his promise to the 
women, changing his vote from "yea" to "nay," moved for a 
reconsideration of the measure, and thus automatically kept 
it on the calendar of the Senate. That was all that could be 


The President's belief in the power of words had lost the 
amendment. Nor could he by a speech, eloquent as it was, break 
down the opposition in the Senate which he had so long pro- 
tected and condoned. 

Our next task was to secure a reversal of the Senate vote. 
We modified our tactics slightly. 


^ UR immediate task was to compel the President to 
secure a reversal of two votes in the Senate. It be- 
came necessary to enter again the Congressional elec- 
tions which were a month away. 

By a stroke of good luck there were two senatorial con- 
tests — in New Jersey and New Hampshire — for vacancies in 
the short term. That is, we had an opportunity to elect two 
friends who would take their seats in tinie to vote on the amend- 
ment before the end of this session. It so happened that the 
Democratic candidates were pledged to vote for the amend- 
ment if elected, and that the Republican candidates were op- 
posed to the amendment. We launched our campaign in this 
instance for the election of the Democratic candidates. We 
went immediately to the President to ask his assistance in our 
endeavor. We urged him personally to appeal to tlie voters 
of New Jersey and New Hampshire on behalf of his two candi- 
dates. As Party leader he was at the moment paying no atten- 
tion whatever to the success of these two suffragists. Both of 
the Democratic candidates themselves appealed to President 
Wilson for help in their contests, on the basis of their suffrage 
advocacy. His speech to the Senate scarcely cold, the Presi- 
dent refused to lend any assistance in these contests, which 
with sufficient effort might have produced the last two votes. 

At the end of two weeks of such pressure upon the Presi- 
dent we were unable to interest him in this practical endeavor. 
It was clear that he would move again only under attack. We 



went sgBin, therefore, to the women voters of the West and 
asked them to withhold their support from the Democratic 
Senatorial candidates tn the sufTrage states in order to compel 
the President to assist in the two Eastern contests. This cam- 
pai^ made it clear to the President that we were still holding 
him and his part}' to their responsibility. 

And as has been pointed out, our policy was to oppose the 
Democratic candidates at elections so long as their party was 
responsible fur the passage of the amendment and did not pass 
it. Since there is no question between individuals in suffrage 
states — they are all suffragists — this could not increase our 
numerical strength. It could, however, and did demonstrate 
the growing and comprehensive power of the women voters. 

Shortly before election, when our campaign was in full 
swing in the West, the President sent a letter appealing to the 
voters of New Jersey to support Mr, Hennessey, the Demo- 
cratic candidate for the Senate. He subsequently appealed to 
the voters of New Hampshire to elect Mr. Jameson, candidate 
for Democratic Senator in New Hampshire. 

We continued our campaign in the West as a safeguard 
against relaxation by the President after his appeal. There 
were seven senatorial contests in the western suffrage states. 
In all but two of thse contests — Montana and Nevada — ^the 
Democratic Senatorial candidates were defeated. In these two 

' states the Democratic majority was greatly reduced. 

j Republicans won in New Jersey and New Hampshire and ft 

! Republican Congress was elected to power throughout the 

[ country. 

The election campaign had had a wholesome effect, however, 
on both parties and was undoubtedly one of the factors in 
persuading the President to again appeal to the Senate, || 

Immediately after the defeat in the Senate, and throughout I 
the election campaign, we attempted to hold banners at the |, 


resistance of the senators of the opposition. The mottoes on 
the banners attacked with impartial mcrcilessness both Demo- 
crats and Republicans, One read: 

Sematoh Wadsworth's begiment is fighting fob 
democracy abroad. 

SeNATOB WaDSWOBTII left his regiment AND IB 

Ssnatob Wadsworth cocld serve his countey 
better by lighting with his begiment 
than bt fighting women at houe. 

Senatob Shields told the people op Tennessee 


The only time the President went TO the Sen- 

against him. 

Does Tennessee back the President's wak feo- 

GBAif OK Senator Shields? 

And still a third : 

Geruany has established "EaUAL, universal, se- 
cret, DIRECT franchise," 
The Senate has denied eoual, onivebsal, se- 
Which is more or a democracy, Geemant or 

As the women approached the Senate, Colonel Higgins, 
the Sergeant at Arms of the Senate, ordered a squad of Capitol 
policemen to rush upon them. They wrenched their banners 
from them, twisting their wrists and manhandling them as 
they took tbem up the steps, through the door, and down 


into the guardroom, — tlieir banners confiscated and they them- 
BelvcH detained for varying periods of time. When the 
women insisted on knowing upon what charges thcj wert held, 
they were merely told that "peace and order must be main- 
tained on the Capitol grounds," and further, "It don't make 
no difference about the law, Colonel Higgins is boss here, and 
he has taken the law in his own hands," 

Day after day this performance went on. Small detach- 
ments of women attempted to hold banners outside the United 
States Senate, as the women of Holland had done outside the 
Parliament in the Hague. It was difficult to believe that 
American politicians could be so devoid of humor as they 
showed themselves. The panic that overwhelms our official 
mind in the face of the slightest irregularity is appalling! 
Instead of maintaining peace and order, the squads of police 
managed to keep the Capitol grounds in a state of confusion. 
They were assisted from time to time by Senate pages, small 
errand boys who would run out and attack mature women 
with impunity. The women would be held under the most rigid 
detention each day until the Senate had safely adjourned, 
Then on the morrow the whole spectacle would be repeated. 

While the United States Senate was standing still under our 
protest world events rushed on. German autocracy had col- 
lapsed. The Allies had won a military victory. The Kaiser 
had that very week fled for his life because of the uprising of 
his people. 

"We are all free voters of a free republic now,*' was the 
message sent by the women of Germany to the women of the 
United States through Miss Jane Addams. We were at that 
moment heartily ashamed of our government. German women 
voting! American women going to jail and spending long 
hours in the Senate guardhouse without arrests or charges. 
The war came to an end. Congress adjourned November 21st. 

When the 65th Congress reconvened for its short and final 


session, December 2nd, 1918 [less than a month after our 
election campaign]. President Wilson, for the first time, in- 
cluded suffrage in his regular message to Congress, the thing 
that we had asked of him at the opening of everj session of 
Congress since March, 1913. 

There were now fewer than a hundred days in which to get 
action from the Senate and so avoid losing the benefit of our 
victory in the House. 

In his opening address to Congress, the President again 
appealed to the Senate in these words: 

"And what shall we say of the women — of their instant 
intelligence, quickening every task that they touched; their 
capacity for organization and cooperation, which gave their 
action discipline and enhanced the effectiveness of everything 
they attempted; their aptitude at tasks to which they had 
never before set their hands; their utter self-sacrifice alike in 
what they did and in what they gave? Their contribution to 
the great result is beyond appraisal. They have added a new 
luster to the annals of American womanhood. 

"The least tribute we can pay them is to make them the 
equals of men in political rights, as they have proved them- 
selves their equals in every field of practical work they have 
entered, whether for themselves or for their country. These 
great days of completed achievement would he sadly marred 
were we to omit that act of justice. Besides the immense prac- 
tical services they have rendered, the women of the country 
have been the moving spirits in the systematic economies in 
which our people have voluntarily assisted to supply the suf- 
fering peoples of the world and the armies upon every front 
with food and everything else we had, that might serve the 
common cause. The details of such a story can never be fully 
written but we carry them at our hearts and thank God that 
we can say that we arc the kinsmen of such," 

Again we looked for action to follow this appeal. Again 



we found that the President had uttered these words but had 
nude no plan to translate them into action. 

And so his second appeal to the Senate failed, coming as 
it did after the hostility of his party to the idea of conferring 
freedom on women nationally, had been approved and fostered 
by President Wilson for five solid years. He could not over- 
come with additional eloquence the opposition which he himself 
had so long formulated, defended, encouraged and solidified, 
especially when that eloquence was followed by either no action 
or only half-hearted efforts. 

It would now require a determined assertion of his political 
power as the leader of his party. We made a final appeal to 
him as leader of his party and while still at the height of his 
world power, to make such an assertion and to demand the 
necessary two votes. 



) sooner liad we set ourselves to a brief, hot campai^ 
to compel President Wilson to win the final votes than 
he sailed away to France to attend the Peace Confer- 
ence, sailed away to consecrate himself to the program of liber- 
ating the oppressed peoples of the whole world. He cannot be 
condemned for aiming to achieve so gigantic a task. But we 
reflected that again the President had refused his specific aid 
in an humble aspiration, for the rosy hope of a more boldly 
conceived ambition. 

It was positively impossible for us, by our own efforts, 
to win the last 2 votes. We could only win them through the 
President. That he had left behind him his message urging the 
Senate to act, is true. That Administration leaders did not 
consider these words a command, is also true. It must be 
realized that even after the President had been compelled to 
publicly declare his support of the measure, it was almost im- 
possible to get his own leaders to take seriously his words on 
suffrage. And so again the Democratic Chairman of the 
Rules Committee, in whose keeping the program lay, had no 
thought of bringing it to a vote. The Democratic Chairman 
of the Woman Suffrage Committee assumed not the slightest 
responsibility for its success, nor could he produce any plan 
whereby the last votes could he won. They knew, as well as 
did we, that the President only could win those last 2 votes. 
They made it perfectly clear that until he hftd done so, they 
could do Dotbing. 



Less than fifty legislative days remained to us. Something 
had to be done quickly, something bold and oflTcnsive enougli to 
threaten the prestige of the President, as he was riding in 
sublimity to unknown heights as a champion of world liberty; 
Bomething which might penetrate his reverie and shock him into 
concrete action. We had successfully defied the full power of 
his Administration, the odds heavily against us. We must now 
defy the popular belief of the world in this apostle of liberty. 
This was the feeling of the four hundred officers of the National 
Woman's Party, summoned to a three days' conference in 
Washington in December, 1918. It was unanimously decided 
to li^t a fire in an urn, and, on the day that the President 
was officially received by France, to bum with fitting public 
ceremonies all the President's past and present speeches t 
books concerning "liberty", "freedom" and "democracy.' 

It was late afternoon when the four hundred women pro- 
ceeded solemnly in single file from headquarters, past the White 
House, along the edge of the quiet and beautiful Lafayette 
Park, to the foot of Lafayette's statue. A slight mist added 
beauty to the pageant. The purple, white and gold banners, 
so brilliant in the sunshine, became soft pastel sails. Half the 
procession carried lighted torches ; the other half banners. The 
crowd gathered silently, somewhat awe-struck by the scene. 
Massed about that statue, we felt a strange strength and 
solidarity, we felt again that we were a part of the universal 
struggle for liberty. 

The torch was applied to the pine-wood logs in the Grecian 
Urn at the edge of the broad base of the statue. As the flames 
began to mount, Vida Milholland stepped forward and without 
accompaniment sang again from that spot of beauty, in her 
own challenging way, the Woman's Marseillaise, Even the 
small boys in the crowd, always the most difficult to please, 
cheered and clapped and cried for more. 

Mrs. John Rogers, Jr., chairman of the National Advisory 
Council, Baid, as president of the ceremony: 

"We hold this meeting to protest against the denial of 
liberty to American women. All over the world to-day we see 
surging and sweeping irresistibly on, the great tide of demO(^- 
racy. and women would be derelict in their duty if they did not 
see to it that it brings freedom to the women of this land. . . . 

"Our ceremony to-day is planned to call attention to the 
fact that President Wilson has gone abroad to establish democ- 
racy in foreign lands when he has failed to establish democ- 
racy at home. We bum his words on liberty to-day, not in 
malice or anger, but in a spirit of reverence for truth. 

"This meeting is a message to President Wilson. We ex- 
pect an answer. If the answer is more words we will bum them 
ogam. The only answer the National Woman's Party will 
accept is the instant passage of the amendment in the Senate." 

The few hoots and jeers which followed all ceased, when a 
tiny and aged woman stepped from her place to the um In the 
brilliant torch light. The crowd recognized a veteran. It was 
the most dramatic moment in the ceremony. Reverend Olyiopia 
Brown of Wisconsin, one of the first ordained women ministers 
in the country, then in her eighty-fourth year, gallant pioneer, 
friend and colleague of Susan B. Anthony, said, as she threw 
into the fiames the speech made bj the President on his arrival 
in Prance: 

"... I have fought for liberty for seventy years, and 
I protest against the President's leaving our country with this 
old fight here unwon." 

The crowd burst into applause and continued to cheer aa 
she was assisted from the plinth of the statue, too frail to dia- 
mount by herself. Then came the other representative women, 
from Massachusetts to California, from Georgia to Michigan, 
each one consigning to the flames a special declaration of the 


President's on freedom. The flames burned brighter and 
brighter and leapt higher as the ni^t grew black. 

The casual observer said, "They must be crazy. Don't 
they know the President isn't at home? Why are they appeal- 
ing to him in the park opposite the White House when he is in 
France P' 

The long line of bright torches shone menacingly as the 
women marched slowly back to headquarters, and the crowd 
dispersed in silence. The Wliite House wat empty. But we 
knew our message would be heard in France. 



DECEMBER came to an end with no plan for action oa 
the amendment assured. This left us January and 
February only before the session would end. The 
President had not yet won the necessary 2 votes. We decided 
therefore to keep a perpetual fire to consume the President's 
speeches on democracy as fast as he made them in Europe. 

And so on New Year's Day, 1919, we light our first watch- 
fire of freedom in the Urn dedicated to that purpose. We 
place it on the sidewalk in a direct line with the President's 
front door. The wood comes from a tree in Independence 
Square, Philadelphia. It bums gaily. Women with banners 
stand guard over the watchfirc. A bell hung in the balcony 
at headquarters tolls rhythmically the beginning of the watch. 
It tolls again as the President's words are tossed to the flames. 
His speech to the workingmen of Manchester; his toast to the 
King at Buckingham Palace: "We have used great words, all 
of us. We have used the words 'right' and 'justice' and now 
we are to prove whether or not we understand these words;" 
his speech at Brest ; all turn into ignominious brown ashes. 

The bell tolls again when the watch is changed. All Wash- 
ington is reminded hourly that we are at the President's gate, 
burning his words. From Washington the news goes to all 
the world. 

People gather to see the ceremony. The omnipresent small 
boys and soldiers jeer, and some tear the banners. A soldier 
rushes to the scene with a bucket of water which does not extin- 





guish the flames. The fire bums as if by m&gic. A polici 
arrives and uses a fire extinguisher. But the fire bums on! 
The flames are as indomitable as the women who guard them! 
Rain comes, but all through the night the watchfire bums. All 
through the night the women stand guard. 

Day and night the fire bums. Boys are permitted by the 
police to scatter it in the street, to break the uro, and to 
demolish the banners. But each time the women rekindle the 
fire. A squad of policemen tries to demolish the fire. While 
the police are engaged at the White House gates, other women 
go quietly in the dusk to the huge bronze urn in Lafayette 
Park and light another watchfire. A beautiful blaze leaps into 
the air from the great urn. The police hasten hither. The 
burning contents are overturned, Alice Paul refills the urn and 
kindles a new fire. She is placed under arrest. Suddenly a 
third blaze is seen in a remote comer of the park. The police- 
men scramble to that comer. When the watchfires have been 
continued for four days and four nights, in spite of the at- 
tempts by the police to extinguish them, general orders to 
arrest are sent to the squad of policemen. 

Five women are taken to the police station. The police 
captain is outraged that the ornamental urn valued at $10,000 
should have been used to hold a fire which burned the Presi- 
dent's words! His indignation leaves the defendants unim- 
pressed, however, and he becomes conciliatory. Will the "ladies 
promise to be good and light no more fires in the park?" 

Listead, the "ladies" inquire on what charge they are held. 
Not even the police captain knows. They wait at the police 
station to find out, refusing to give bail unless they are told. 
Meanwhile other women address the crowd lingering about the 
watchfire. The crowd asks thoughtful questions. Little knots 
of men can be seen discussing "what the whole thing ts about 

Miss Mildred Morris, one of the participants, overheard 




the following discussion in one group composed of an old nmntl 
a jourtg sailor and a young soldier. 

"But whatever you think of them," the sailor was telling 
the soldier, "jou have to admire their sincerity and courage. 
They've got to do tliis thing. They want only what's their , 
right and real men want to give it to them." 

"But they've got no business using a sidewalk in front of I 
the White House for a bonfire," declared the soldier, "It'il 
disloyal to the President, I tell you, and if they weren't vomenfl 
I'd slap their faces." 

"Listen, sonny," said the old man, patting the soldier't 
arm, "I'm as loyal to the President as any man alive, but I'vt 
got to admit that he ain't doing the right thing towards these 
women. He's forced everything else he's wanted through Cofl- , 
gress, and if he wanted to give these women the vote badly I 
enough he could force the suffrage amendment through. If 1 
you and I were in these women's places, sonny, we'd act reall 
vicious. We'd want to come here and clean out the wholej 
White House." 

"But if the President doesn't want to push their amendment I 
through, it's his right not to," argued the soldier. "It's no- f 
body's business how he uses his power." 

"Good God !" the sailor burst out. "Why don't you go over I 
and get a job shining the Kaiser's boots?" 

The women were released without bail, since no one waa J 
able to supply a charge. But a thorough research was insti- 1 
tuted and out of the dusty archives some one produced i 
ancient statute that would serve the purpose. It prohibits. 1 
the building of fires in a public place in the District of Co- J 
lumbia between sunset and sunrise. And so the beautiful Eliza- « 
bethan custom of lighting watchfiree as a form of demonstra- ! 
tion was forbidden ! 

In a few days eleven women were brought to trial. There , 
was a titter in the court room as the prosecuting attorney read 



with heavy pomposity the cliarge against the prisoners "to 
wit: That on Pennsylvania Avenue, Northwest, in the District 
of Columbia they did aid and abet in setting Sre to certain 
combustibles consisting of logs, paper, oil, etc., between the $et- 
ting of the tun in th£ said DUtrict of Columbia on the fifth day 
of January and the riring of the stun in the taid Ditlrict of 
Colvmbia of the tixth dap of Jannary, 1919. A. iD." 

The court is shocked to hear of this serious deed, Titf 
prisoners are unconcerned. 

"Call the names of the prisoners," the judge orders. 
The clerk calls, "Julia Emory." 

No answer ! 

"Julia Emory," he calls a second time. 

Dead silence! 

The clerk tries another name, a second, a third, a fonrth. 
Always there is silence! 

In a benevolent tone, the judge asks the policeman to iden- 
tify the prisoners. They identify ae many as they can. An 
attempt is made to have the prisoners rise and be sworn. They 

"We will go on with the testimony," says the judge. 

The police testify as to the important details of the crime. 
They were on Pennsylvania Avenue — they looked at their 
watch — they learned it was about 6 :30 — they saw the ladies 
in the park putting wood on fires in urns. "I threw the wood 
on the pavement; they kept putting it back," says one police- 
man. "Each time I tried to put out the fire they threw on more 
wood," says another. "They kept on lighting new fires, and 
I'd keep putting them out," says a third with an injured air. 

The prosecuting attorney asks an important question, "Did 
you command them to stop?" 

Policeman — "I did sir, and I said, 'You ladies don't want 
to be arrested do you?' They made no answer but went on 
attending to their fires." 


WATcnrcBB "Legal."' 






The statute is read for the second time. Another witness is 
called. This time the district attorney asks the policeman, — 
"Do you know what time the sun in the District of Columbia 
set on January 5th and rose on January 6th?" 

At this profound question, the policeman hesitates, looks 
abashed, then says impressively, "The sun in the District of 
Columbia set at 5 o'clock January 5th, and rose at 7 :S8 o'clock 
January 6th." 

The prosecutor is triumphant. He looks expectantly at 
the judge, 

"How do you know what time the sun rose and set on 
those days?" asks the judge. 

"From the weather bureauj" answers the policeman. 

The judge is perplexed, 

"I think we Ehould have something more official," he says. 

The prosecutor suggests that perhaps an almanac would 
settle the question. The judge believes it would. The gov- 
ernment attorney disappears to find an almanac. 

Breathless, the prisoners and spectators wait to hear the 
important verdict of the almanac. The delay is interminable. 
The court room is in a state of confusion. The prisoners, 
especially, are amused at the proceedings. It is clear their 
fate may hang upon a minute or two of time. An hour goes 
by, and still the district attorney has not returned. Another 
half hour! Presently he returns to read in heavy tones from 
the almanac. The policeman looks embarrassed. His informa- 
tion from the weather bureau differs from that of the almanac. 
His sun rose two minutes too early and continued to shine 
twelve minutes too long! However, it doesn't matter. The 
sun shone long enough to make the defendants guilty. 

The judge looks at the prisoners and announces that thej 
are "guilty" and "shall pay a iinc of $5.00 or serve five days 
in jail." The Administration has learned its lesson about 
hunger strikes and evidently fears having to yield to another 

' uo 



strike. And so it seeks safety in lighter sentences. The judge 
pleads almost piteousl; with them not to go to jail at all, and 
says that he will put them on probation if they will promise to 
be good and not light any more fires in the District of Co- 
lumbia. The prisoners make no promise. They have been 
found guilty according to the almanac and they file throu^ 
the little gate into the prisoners' pen. 

Somehow they did not believe that whether the sun rose 
at 7 :26 or 7 :28 was the issue which had decided whether they 
should be convicted or not, and it was not in protest against 
the almanac that they straightway entered upon a hunger 

Meanwhile the watchfires continued in the capital. January 
thirteenth, the day the great world Peace Conference under 
the President's leadership, began to deliberate on the task of 
administering "right" and "justice" to all the oppressed of the 
earth, twenty-three women were arrested in front of the White 

Another trial! More silent prisoners! They were to be 
tried this time in groups. A roar of applause from friends in 
the courtroom greeted the first four as they came in. The 
judge said that he could not possibly understand the motive 
for this outburst, and added, "If it is repeated, I shall consider 
it contempt of court," He then ordered the baililF to escort 
the four prisoners out and bring them in again. — Shades of 
school days ! 

"And if there is any applause thU time . . ." 

With this threat still in the air, the prisoners reentered and 
the applause was louder than before. Great Confusion ! The 
judge roared at the bailiff. The bailiff roared at the prisoners 
and their friends. 

Finally they rushed to the comers of the courtroom and 
evicted three young women. 

"Lock the doors, and see that they do not return," shouted 

the ao^y judge. Thus the dignity of the court was restored. i 

But the group idea had to be abandoned. The prisoners were \ 

now brought in one at a time, and one policeman after another "j 

testified that, "she kep' alightin' and alightin' fires." 

Five days' imprisonmeat for each woman who "kep' alight- 
in' " watchfires ! 

On January %5th, in Paris, President Wilsou received a 
delegation of French working women who urged woman suf- 
frage as one of the points to be settled at the Peace Confer- 
ence. The President expressed admiration for the women of 
France, and told them of his deep personal interest in the en- 
franchisement of women. He was 'honored' and 'touched' by 
their tribute. It was ft great moment for the President. He 
had won the position in the eyes of the world of a devout cham- 
pion of the liberty of women, but at the very moment he was 
speaking to these French women American women were lying 
in the District of Columbia jail for demanding liberty at his 
gates. I 

Mrs. Mary Nolan, the eldest suffrage prisoner, took to the 
watchfirg those vain words of the President to the French 
women. The flames were just consuming — "All sons of freedom 
are under oath to see that freedom never suffers," when a whole 
squadron of police dashed up to arrest her. There was a pause 
when they saw her age. They drew back for an instant. Then 
one amongst them, more "dutiful" than the rest, quietly placed 
her under arrest. As she marched along by his side, cheers 
for her went up from all parts of the crowd. 

"Say what you think about them, but that little old lady 
has certainty got pluck," they murmured. 

At the bar Mrs. Nolan's beautiful speech provoked irre- 
pressible applause. The judge ordered as many offenders aa 
could be recognized brought before him. Thirteen women were 
hastily produced. The trial was suspended while the judge 





sentenced these thirteen to "forty-eight hours in jail for con- 
tempt of court." 

And BO, throughout January and the beginning of Feb- 
ruary, 1919, the story of protest continued relentlessly. 
Watchfires— arrests— convictions— hunger strikes — release — un- 
til again the nation rose in protest against imprisoning the 
women and against the Senate's delay. Peremptory cables 
went to the President at the Peace Conference, command- 
ing him to act. News of our demonstrations were well re- 
ported in the Paris press. The situation must have again 
seemed serious to him, for although reluctantly and perhaps 
unwillingly, he did begin to cable to Senate leaders, who in turn 
began to act. On February 2d, the Democratic Suffrage Sen- 
ators called a meeting at the Capitol to "consider ways and 
means." On February 3d, Senator Jones announced in the 
Senate that the amendment would be«brougiit up for discussion 
February 10th. The following evening, February 4th, a cau- 
cus of all Democratic Senators was called together at the Capi- 
tol by Senator Martin of Virginia, Democratic floor leader in 
the Senate, This was the first Democratic caucus held in the 
Senate since war was declared, which would seem to point to 
the anxiety of the Democrats to marshal two votes. 

Several hours of very passionate debate occurred, during 
which Senator Pollock of South Carolina announced for the 
first time his support of the measure. 

Senator Pollock had yielded to pressure by cable from the 
President as well as to the caucus. This gain of one vote had 
reduced the number of votes tacking to one. 

Many Democratic leaders now began to show alarm lest 
the last vote be not secured, William Jennings Bryan was one 
leader who, rightly alarmed over such a situation, personally 
consulted with the Democratic opponents. The ar^ment 
which he presented to them he subsequently gave to the press 


"Woman suffrage is coming to the country and to the 
world. It will be submitted to the states by the next Congress, 
if it is not submitted by the present Congress. 

"I hope the Democrats of the South will not handicap the 
Democrats of the North by compelling them to spend the next 
twenty-five years explaining to the women of the country why 
their party prevented the submission of the suffrage amend- 
ment to the states. 

"This is our last chance to play an important part in 
bringing about this important reform, and it is of vital polit- 
ical concern that the Democrats of the Northern Mississippi 
Valley should not be burdened by the charge that our party 
prevented the passage of the suffrage amendment, especially 
when it is known that it is coming in spite of, if not with the 
aid of, the Democratic Party." 

As we grew nearer the last vote the President was meeting 
what was perhaps his most bitter resistance from within. It 
was a situation which he could have prevented. His own early 
hostility, his later indifference and negligence, his actual pro- 
tection given to Democratic opponents of the measure, his 
own reversal of policy practically at the point of a pistol, the 
half-hearted efforts made by him on its behalf, were all coming 
to fruition at the moment when his continued prestige was at 
stake. His power to get results on this because of belated 
efforts was greatly weakened. This also undermined his power 
in other undertakings essential to his continued prestige. 
Whereas more effort, at an earlier time, would have brought 
fairer results, now the opponents were solidified in their oppo- 
sition, were through their votes publicly committed to the 
nation as opponents, and were unwilling to sacrifice their heavy 
dignity to a public reversal of their votes. This presented a 
formidable resistance, indeed. 

Therefore the Democratic blockade continued. 

And BO did the watchfires ! 




THE suffrage score now stood as follows: One vote 
lacking in the Senate, 15 days in which to win it, and 
President Wilson across the sea! The Democrats set 
February 10 as the date on which the Senate would again vote 
on the amendment, without any plan as to how the last vote 
would be won. 

We were powerless to secure the last vote. That was still 
the President's problem. Knowing that he always put forth 
more effort under fire of protest from us than when not 
pressed, we decided to make as a climax to our watchfire 
demonstrations a more drastic form of protest. We wanted 
to show our contempt for the President's inadequate support 
which promised so much in words and which did so little in 
deeds to match the words. 

And BO on the day preceding the vote we burned in effigy a 
portrait of President Wilson even as the Revolutionary fathers I 
had burned a portrait of King George. ^ I 

'Thla is the Inscription on a. tablet nl the State House. Dover Grm, ' 

Dover, in commemoratinn of Delaware's revoliitionary leaders. i 

Signers of the Declaration of ladependenee. 

Caeser Rodney — Thomas McKaIn — George Read 1 

At the urgent request of Thomas McKain, Caesar Rodney being then 

In Delaware, rode post haste on honteback to Philadclphftt and reached ' 

Independence Hall July 4, 1776. 

The following day news of the adoption of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence reaching Dover a portrait of King George was burned on Dover 
Green at the order of the Comraitlee of Safety. Tlic following bistorio 
words being uttered by the chnirmsn! 

"Compelled by strong necessity thus we destroy even the shadow of 
that Idag who refused to reign over a free people." 



A hondred women marched with banners to the center of 
the sidewalk opposite the White House, Mingling with the 
party's tri-colored banners were two lettered ones which read: 

Only fifteen i^gislative days abe left in this 

For hobe than a veab the President's Party has 


It is blocking it to-bay. 
The President is responsible fob the bbtbatai. 


And— . 
Why does not the Pbbsident insuke the fassaos 


Why does he not win from his party the one 

vote needed? 
Has he agreed to permit suffbage again to bb 

POSHED aside? 

President Wilson is deceiving the wobld. 
He preaches democracy abroad and thwabts 

r HERE. 

As the marchers massed their banners, and grouped them- 
selves about the um, a dense crowd of many thousand people 
closed in about them, a crowd so interested that it stood almost 
motionless for two hours while the ceremonies continued. Tlie 
i being kindled, and the flames leaping into the air, Misa 
t White of Tennessee and Mrs. Gabrietle Harris of South 
Carolina dropped into the fire in the urn a figure of President 
Wilson sketched on paper in black and white — a sort of effigy 
de luxe, we called it, but a symbol of our contempt none the 

I Mrs. Henry O. Havemeyer of New York, life-long suffragist 
H woman of affairs, said as master of the ceremonies, "Every 



Anglo-Saxon govemment m the world has enfranchised its 
women. In Russia, in Hungary, in Austria, in Germany itself, 
the women are completely enfranchised, and thirty-four wo- 
men are now sitting in the new Reichstag. We women of 
America are assembled here to-day to voice our deep indigna- 
tion that , . . American women are still deprived of a voice 
in their govemment at home. We mean to show that the 
President. . . ." She was caught by the arm, placed under 
arrest, ond forced into the waiting patrol wagon. 

Thereupon the police fell upon the ceremonies, and indis- 
criminate arrests followed. Women with banners were taken; 
women without banners were taken. Women attempting to 
guard the fire; women standing by doing nothing at all; all 
were seized upon and rushed to the patrol. While this uproar 
was going on, others attempted to continue the speaking where 
Mrs. Havemeyer had left it, but each was apprehended as she 
made her attempt. Some that had been scheduled to Bpeaki 
but were too shy to utter a word in the esciteraent, were also 
taken. When the "Black Marias" were all filled to capacity, 
nearby automobiles were commandeered, and more pa troll 
summoned. And still not even half the women were captured. 

The police ceased their raids suddenly. Orders to arresi 
no more had evidently been given. Some one must have sug" 
gested that a hundred additions to the already overcrowded! 
jail and workhouse would be too embarrassing. Perhaps tk[ 
ruse of arresting some, and hoping the others would scampel 
away at the sight of authority, was still in their minds. 

After a brief respite they turned their attention to tin 
fascinated crowd. They succeeded in forcing back tlies 
masses of people half way across Pennsylvania Avenue, 
stationed an officer every two feet in front of them. But stil 
women came to keep the fire burning. Was there no end 
this battalion of women P The police finally declared a "mil' 
tary zone" between the encircling crowd and the remainicf 



women, and no person was allowed to enter the proscribed 
area. For another hour, then, the women stood on guard at 
the um, and as night fell, the ceremonies ended. Sixty of them 
marched back to headquarters. Thirty-nine had been arrested. 

The following morning, February 10th, saw two not unre- 
lated scenes in the capital. Senators were gathering in their 
seats in the senate chamber to answen to the roll call on the 
suffrage amendment. A few blocks away in the courthouse, 
thirty-nine women were being tried for their protest of the 
previous day. 

There was no uncertainty either in the minds of the gal- 
leries or of the senators. Every one knew that we still lacked 
one vote. The debate was confined to two speeches, one for 
and one against. 

When the roll was called, there were voting and paired in 
favor of the amendment, 63 senators; there were voting and 
paired against the amendment 33 senators. The amendment 
lost therefore, by one vote. Of the 63 favorable votes 38 were 
Republicans and 31 Democrats, Uf the 33 adverse votes 12 
were Republicans and 21 Democrats. This means that of the 
44 Republicans in the Senate, 38 or 73 per cent voted for the 
amendment. Of the 52 Democrats in the Senate 31 or 60 per 
cent voted for it. And so it was again defeated by the opposi- 
tion of the Democratic Administration, and by the failure of 
the President to put behind it enough power to win. 

Meanwhile another burlesque of Justice dragged wearily on 
in the dim courtroom. The judge was sentencing thirty-nina 
women to prison. When the twenty-sixth had been reached, he 
asid wearily, "How many more are out there.'" 

When told that he had tried only two-thirds of the defend- 
ants, he dismissed the remaining thirteen without trial! 

They were as guilty- as their colleagues. But the judge 
was tired. Twenty-six women sent to jail is a full judicial 
day's work, I suppose. 



There was some rather ob^^ious shame and unhappmesa id 
the Senate because of the petty thing they had done. The 
prisoners in the courtroom were proud because they had done 
their utmost for the principle in which they believed. 

Senator Jones of New Mexico, Chairman of the Committee, 
and his Democratic colleagues refused to reintroduce the 
Susan B. Anthony amendment in the Senate immediately after 
this defeat. But on Monday, February 17, Senator Jones of 
Washington, ranking Republican on the Suffrage Committee, 
obtained unanimous consent and reintroduced it, thereby 
placing it once more on its way to early reconsideration. 




IT was announced that the President would return to 
America on February Hi-Hu That would leave seven days 
in which he could act before the session ended on March 
8d. We determined to niake another dramatic effort to move 
him further, 

Boston was to be the President's landing place, Boston, 
where ancient liberties are so venerated, and modem ones so 
abridged: No more admirable place could have been found to 
welcome the President home in true militant fashion. 

Wishing the whole world to know that women were greet- 
ing President Wilson, why they were greeting him, and what 
form of demonstration the greetings would assume, we an- 
nounced our plans in advance. Upon his arrival a line of 
pickets would hold banners silently calling to the President's 
attention the demand for his effective aid. In the afternoon 
they would hold a meeting in Boston Common and there bum 
the parts of the President's Boston speech which should pertain 
to democracy and liberty. These announcements were met with 
official alarm of almost unbelievable extent. Whereas front 
pages had been given over heretofore to publishing the elabo- 
rate plans for the welcome to be extended to the President* 
eulogies of the President, and recitals of his grcat Iriumph 
abroad, now the targe proportion of this space was devoted to 
clever plans of the police to outwit the suffragists. The sus- 
tained publicity of this demonstration was unprecedented. It 
actually filled the Boston papers for all of two weeks. 



L "deadline," a dJa^am of which appeared in the pressi 
was to be established beyond which do suffragist, no matter 
how enterprising, could penetrate to harass the over-worked 
President with foolish ideas about tlic importance of liberty for 
women. Had not this great man the cares of the world on his 
shoulders? This was no time to talk about liberty for women! 
The world was rocking and a great peace conference was sit- 
ting, and the President was just returning to report on the 
work done so far. The Boston descendants of the early revo- J 
lutionists would do their utmost to see that no untoward event 
should mar the perfection of their plans. They would see to 
it that the sacred soil of the old Boston Common should not be 

It was a perfect day. Lines of marines whose trappings 
shone brilliantly in the clear sunshine were in formation to 
hold back the crowds from the Reviewing stand where the 
President should appear after heading the procession in his 
honor. It seemed as if all Boston were on hand for the wel- 
come. A slender file of twenty-two women marched silently 
into the sunshine, slipped through the "deadline," and made its | 
way to the base of the Reviewing stand. There it unfurled its J 
beautiful banners and took up its post directly facing the line i 
of marines which was supposed to keep all suffragists at bay. 
Quite calmly and yet triumphantly, they stood there, a pageant 
of beauty and defiant appeal, which not even the most hurried 
passerby could fail to see and comprehend. 

There were consultations by the officials in charge of the 
ceremonies. The women looked harmless enough, but had they 
not been told that they must not come there? They were 
causing no riot, in fact they were clearly adding much beauty — 
people seemed to take them as part of the elaborate ceremony — 
but officials seldom have sense of humor enough or adaptability 
enough to change quickly, especially when they have made 



threats. It would be a taint on their honor, if they did not 
''pick up" the women for the deed. 

One could hear the people reading slowly the large lettered 

Mr. President, You said in the Senate on Septbm- 

' BER 20 "We shall not ONLT be DISTRPSTED BUT 

The American flag carried by Miss Katherine Morey of 
Brookline held the place of honor at the head of the line and 
there were the familiar, "Mr. President, how long must women 
wait for liberty?" and "Mr. President, what will you do for 
woman suffrage?" The other banners were simply purple, 
white and gold. 

"When we hud stood there about three quarters of an 
hour," said Katherine Morey, "Superintendent Crowley came 
to me and said, 'We want to be as nice as we can to you suffra- 
gette ladies, but you cannot stand here while the President goes 
by, so you might as well go back now.' I said I was sorry, but 
as we had come simply to be there at that very time, we would 
not be able to go back until the President had gone by. He 
thereupon made a final appeal to Miss Paul, who was at head- 
quarters, but she only repeated our statement. The patrol 
wagons were hurried to the scene and the arrests were executed 
in an exceedingly gentlemanly manner. But the effect on the 
crowd was electric. The sight of 'ladies' being put into patrols, 
seemed to thrill the Boston masses as nothing the President 
subsequently said was able to. 

"We were taken to the House of Detention and there 
charged with 'loitering more than seven minutes'." 


As Mrs. Agnes H, Morey, Massachusetts Chdirman of the 
Woman's Party, later remarked : 

"It is a most extraordinary thing. Thousands loitered 
from curiosity on the day the President arrived. Twenty- 
two loitered for liberty, and only those who loitered for liberty 
were arrested." 

Realizing that the event of the morning had diverted public 
attention to our issue, and undismayed by the arrests, other 
women entered tlie lists to sustain public attention upon our 
demand to the President. 

The ceremony on the Common began at three o'clock. 
Throngs of people packed in closely in an effort to hear the 
speakers, and to catch a glimpse of the ceremony, presided 
over by Mrs, Louise Sykes of Cambridge, whose late husband 
was President of the Connecticut College for Women. From 
three o'clock until six, women explained the purpose of the 
protest, the status of the amendment, and urged those present 
to help. At six o'clock came the order to arrest, Mrs. C. C. 
Jack, wife of Professor Jack of Harvard University, Mrs- 
Mortimer Warren of Boston, whose husband was head of a 
base hospital in France, and Miss Elsie Hill, daughter of the 
late Congressman Hill, were arrested and were taken to the 
House of Detention, where they joined their comrades. 

"Dirty, filthy hole under the Court House," was the general 
characterization of the House of Detention. "Jail was a Para- 
dise compared to this depraved place," said Miss Morey, "We 
slept in our clothes, four women to a cell, on iron shelves two 
feet wide. In the cell was an open toilet. The place nlowly 
filled up during the night with drunks and disorderlies until 
pandemonium reigned. In the evening. Superintendent Crow- 
ley and Commissioner Curtis came to call on us, I don't be- 
lieve they had ever been there before, and they were painfully 
embarrassed. Superintendent Crowley said to me, "If you were 



drunl we could release you in the morning, but unfortunately 
since you are not we have got to take you into court." 

When the prisoners were told next morning the decision of 
Qiief Justice Bolster to try each prisoner separately and in 
closed court, they aU protested against such proceedings. But 
guards took the women by force to a private room. **The 
Matron, who was terrified," said Miss Morcy, "shouted to the 
guards, 'You don't handle the drunks that way. You know 
you don't.' But tliey continued to push, shove and shake the 
women while forcing them to the ante room." 

"As an American citizen under arrest, I demand a public 
trial," was the statement of each on entering the judge's 
private trial room. 

While the trial was proceeding without the women's co- 
operation, — some were tried under wrong names, some were 
tried more than once under different names, but moat of them 
under the name of Jane Doe — vigorous protests were being 
made to all the city officials by individuals among the throngs 
who had come to the court house to attend the trial. This 
protest was so strong that the last three women were tried 
io open court. The judge sentenced everybody impartially to 
eight days in jail in lieu of fines, with the exception of Miss 
Wilma Henderson, who was released when it was learned that 
she was a minor. 

The women were taken to the Charles Street Jail to serve 
their sentences. "The cells were immaculately clean," said Miss 
Morey, "but there was one feature of this experience which 
obliterated all its advantages. The cells were without modern 
toilet facilities. The toilet equipment consisted of a heavy 
wooden bucket, about two and a half feet high and a foot and 
« half in diameter, half filled with water. No one of us will 
ever forget that foul bucket. It had to be carried to the lower 
.floor — we were on the third and fourth floors — every morning. 
I could hardly lift mine ofT the floor, to say nothing of getting 





it down stairs (Miss Morey weighs 98 pounds), so there it 
stayed. Berry Pettier managed to get hers down, but was 
80 exhausted she was utterly unable to get it back to her celL 

"The other toilet facility provided was a smaller bucket of 
water to wash in, but it was of such a strangely unpleasant 
odor that we did not dare use it." 

The Boston reporters were admitted freely — and they wrote 
columns of copy. There was the customary ridicule, but there 
were friendly light touches such as, "Militant Highlights — To 
be roommates at Vassar College and then to meet again as cell- 
mates was the experience of Miss Elsie Hill and Mrs. Lois 
Warren Shaw." . . , "Superintendent Kelleher didn't know 
when he was in Congress with Elsie Hill's father he would some 
day have Congressman Hill's daughter in his jail," 

And there were friendly serious touches in these pages of 
sensational news^ — such as tliis excerpt from the front page 
of the Boston Traveler of February 25, 1919. "The reporter 
admired the spirit of the women. Though weary from loss of 
sleep, the fire of a great purpose burned in their eyes. . . . 

"It was a sublime forgetting of self for the goal ahead, 
and whether the reader is in sympathy with the principle for 
which these women are ready to suffer or not, he will be forced 
to admire the spirit which leads them on." 

Photographs of the women were printed day by day — 
giving their occupations, if any, noting their revolutionary 
ancestors, ascertaining the attitude of husbands and fatben- 
Mrs, Shaw's husband's telegram was tj'pical of the support the 
women got. "Don't be quitters," he wired, "I have competent 
nurses to loot after the children." Mr. Shaw ia a Harrari 
graduate and a successful manufacturer in Manchester, Me* 

Telegrams of protest from all over the country pound in 
upon all the Boston officials who had had any point of contact 
with the militants. All other work was for the moment ott- 

NT 326 I 


pended. Such ia the quality of Mrs. Morej's organizing 
genius that she did not let a solitary official escape. Tele- 
grsms also went from Boston, and especially from the jail, to 
President Wilson. 

OjBcial Boston was in the grip of this militant invasion 
when suddenly a man of mystery, one E. J. Howe, appeared 
and paid the women's fines. It was later discovered that the 
mysterious E. J, Howe alleged to have acted for a "client." 
Whether the "client" was a part of Official Boston, no one ever 
knew. There were rumors that the city wished to end its em- 

Sedate Boston had been profoundly shaken. Sedate Boston 
gave more generously than ever before to militant finances. 
And when the "Prison Special" arrived a few days later a 
Boston theatre was filled to overflowing with a crowd eager to 
hear more about their local heroines, and to cheer them while 
they were decorated with the already famnns prison pin. 

Something happened in Washington, too, after the Presi- 
dent*! safe journey thither from Boaton. 

IT would be folly to say that Prceident Wilaon was not at 
this time aware of a very damning Gituation. 

The unanswerable "Prison Special" — a special car of 
women prisoners — was touring the country from coast to coast 
to keep the public attention, during the closing days of the 
session, fixed upon the suffrage situation in the Senate. The 
prisoners were addressing enormous meetings and arousing 
thousands, especially in the South, to articulate condenma* 
tion of Administration tactics. It is impossible to calculate 
the number of cables which, as a result of this sensational tour, 
reached the President during big deliberations at the Peace 
Table. The messages of protest which did not reach the Presi- 
dent at the Peace Conference were waiting for him on his desk 
at the White House. 

Even if some conservative Boston suffragists did preset 
him with a beautiful bouquet of jonquils tied with a yellow 
ribbon, as their welcome home, will any one venture to say that 
that token of trust was potent enough to wipe from his con- 
sciousness the other welcome which led his welcomera to jailF 
Will any one contend that President Wilson upon his arnval 
in Washington, and after changing his clothes, piously re- 
marked : 

"By the way, Tumulty, I want to show you some jonquils 
tied with a yellow ribbon that were presented to me in Boston. 
I am moved, I think I may say deeply moved by this sincere 
tribute, to do something this morning for woman aoffrage. 




Just what is the state of affairs? And docs there seem to be 
any great demand for it ?" We do not know what, if anything, 
he did say to Secretary Tumulty, but we know what he did. 
He hurried over to the Capitol, and there made his first official 
business a conference with Senator Jones of New Mexico, 
Chairman of the Senate Suffrage Committee, After expressing 
chagrin over the failure of the measure in the Senate, the 
President discussed ways and means Oi getting it through. 

An immediate result of the conference was the introduction 
in the Senate, February 28th, by Senator Jones, of another 
resolution on suffrage. Senator Jones had refused to reintro- 
duce the original suffrage resolution immediately after the 
Senate defeat, February 10th. Now he came forward with 
this one, a little differently worded, but to the same purpose 
as the original amendment. * 

This resolution was a concession to Senator Gay of Louis- 
iana, Democrat, who had voted against the measure on Feb- 
ruary 10th, but who immediately pledged his vote in favor ol 
the new resolution. Thus the sixty-fourth and last vote was 
won. The majority instantly directed its efforts toward get- 
ting a vote on the new resolution. 

On March let Senator Jones attempted to get unanimous 
consent to consider it. Senator Wadsworth, of New York, 
Republican an ti- suffragist, objected. When consent was again 
asked, the followbg day, Senator Weeks of Massachusetts, 
Republican an ti- suffragist, objected. On the last day of the 
session, Senator Sherman of Illinois, Republican suffra^st, 
objected. And so the Democratic Congress ended without 
passing the amendment. 

On the face of it, tliese parliamentary objections from Re- 
publicans prevented action, when the Democrats had finally 
'This nntcndmcnt, although to the same purpose as the original ameni)- 
ment, nas not as satiifactorj because of possible controversial points In 
the enforceraeBt article. The original uuendment is of courte crystal 
clear in this regard. 




secured the necesBary votes. As a matter of fact, however, the 
President and his partj were responsible for subjecting the 
amendment to the tactical obstruction of individual anti-suf- 
frage Senators. They waited until the last three days to make 
the supreme effort. That the President did finally get the last 
vote even at a moment when parliamentary difficulties pre- 
vented it from being voted upon, proved our contention that 
he could pass the amend.-nent at any time he set himself reso- 
lutely to it. This last ineffective effort also proved how hard 
the President had been pushed by our tactics. 

But it seems to me that President Wilson has a pathetic 
aptitude for acting a little too late. The fact that the major- 
ity of the Southern contingent in his party stood stubbornly 
against him on woman suffrage, was of course a real obstacle. 
But we contended that the business of a statesman who declared 
himself to be a friend of a measure was to remove even real 
obstacles to the success of that measure. Perhaps our stand- 
ard was too high. It must be confessed that people in general 
are distressingly patient, easily content with pronouncements, 
and shockingly inert about seeing to it that political leaders 
act as they speak. 

We had seen the President overcome far greater obstacles 
than stood in his way on this issue. We had seen him lead 
a country which had voted to stay out of the European war 
into battle almost immediately after they had so voted. We 
had seen him conscript the men of the same stubborn South, 
which had been conspicuously opposed to conscription. We 
had seen him win mothers to his war point of view after they 
had fought passionately for him and his peace program at 
election time. He had taken pains to lead men and women — 
influential and obscure— to his way of thinking. I do not con- 
demn him — I respect him for being able to do this. The point 
is that he did overcome obstacles when his heart and head were 
set to the task. 

Sioce our problem was neither in his head nor his heart, it 
was our task to put it there. Having got it there, it was our 
^^sponsibility to see that it churned and churned there, until 
he had to act. We did our utmost. 

For six full years, through three Congresses under Presi- 
dent Wilson's power, the continual Democratic resistance, me- 
andering, delays, deceits had left us still disfraachised. A 
world war had come and gone during this span of effort. Vast 
millions had died in pursuit of liberty. A Czar and a Kaiser 
had been deposed. The Russian people had revolutionized their 
whole social and economic system. And here in the United 
States of America we couldn't even wrest from the leader of 
democracy and his poor miserable associates the first step 
toward our political liberty — the passage of an amendment 
through Congress, submitting the question of democracy to the 

What a magnificent thing it was for those women to rebel! 
Their solitary steadfastness to their objective stands out in 
this world of confused ideals and half hearted actions, clear 
and lone! J and superb! 


THE Republican Congress elected in November, 1918, 
would not sit until December, 1919 — such is our un- 
fortunate system— unless called together by the Presi- 
dent in a special session. We had polled the new Congress by 
personal interviews and b_v post, and found a safe two-thirds 
majority for the amendment in the House. In the new Senatt 
we still lacked a fateful one vote. 

Our task was, therefore, to induce the President to call 
a special session of Congress at the earliest possible moment, 
and to see that he did not relax his efforts toward the Iftst , 
▼ote. i 

"He won't do it!" . , ."President Wilson will never let 
the Republican Congress come together until the regular time." 
. . . "Especially with himself in Europe!" The usual points 
of objection were raised. But we persisted. We felt that the 
President could win this last vote. And the fear that a Re- 
publican Congress might, if he did not, was an acoeleratiiig 

One feature of the campaign to force a special session was 
a demonstration in New York, on the eve of President Wilson's 
return to Europe, at the time he addressed a mass meeting in 
the Metropolitan Opera House on behalf of his proposed 
League of Nations. The plan of demonstration was to hold 
outside of the Opera House banners addressed to President 
Wilson, and to consign his speech to the flames of a torch at 
a public meeting nearby. 


It was a clear starry night in March when the picket line 
of 25 women proceeded with tri-colored banners from New 
York headquarters in Forty-first street to the Opera House. 
As we ncared the corner of the street opposite the Opera House 
and before we could cross the street a veritable battalion of 
policemen in close formation rushed us with unbelievable 
ferocity. Not a word was spoken by a single officer of the 
two hundred policemen in the attack to indicate the nature of 
our offense. Clubs were raised and lowered and the women 
beaten back with such cruelty as none of us had ever witnessed 

The women clung to their heavy banner poles, trying to 
keep the banners above the maelstrom. But the police seized 
them, tore the pennants, broke the poles, some of them over 
our backs, trampled them underfoot, pounded us, dragged UB, 
and in every way behaved like frantic beasts. It would have 
been so simple quietly to detain our little handful until after 
the President's speech, if that seemed necessary. But to launch 
this violent attack under the circumstances was madness. Not 
a pedestrian had paid any except friendly attention to the 
slender file of women. But the moment this happened an 
enormous crowd gathered, made up mostly of soldiers and 
sailors, many of whom had just returned from abroad and 
were temporarily thronging the streets of New York, They 
joined forces with the police in the attack. 

Miss Margaretta Schuyler, a beautiful, fragile young girl, 
was holding fast a silken American flag which she had carried 
at the head of the procession when a uniformed soldier jumped 
upon her, twisted her arms until she cried in pain, cursed^ 
struggled until he had torn her flag from its pole, and then 
broke the pole across her head, exulting in his triumph over 
his frailer victim. 

When I appealed to the policeman, who wag at the moment 
occupied solely with pounding me on the back, to intercept the 





soldier in his cruel attack, his only reply was : "Oh, he's help- 
ing me." He thereupon resumed his beating of me and I cried, 
"Shame, shame! Aren't you ashamed to beat American women 
in this brutal way?" I offered no other resistance. *'If we 
are breaking any law. arrest us ! Don't bent us in this cow- 
ardly fashion !" 

"We'll rush you like bulls," was his vulgar answer, "weV 
only just beguc." 

Another young woman, an aviatrice, was 5ei2ed by the 
coat collar and thrown to the pavement for trying to keep 
hold of her banner. Her fur cap was the only thing that saved 
her skull from serious injury. As it was, she was trampled 
under foot and her face severely cut before we could rescue her 
with the assistance of a sympathetic member of the crowd. 
The sympathetic person was promptly attacked by the police- 
man for helping his victim to her feet. There were many 
shouts of disapproval of the police conduct and many cheers 
for the women from the dense crowd. 

By this time the crowd had massed itself so thickly that 
we could hardly move an inch. It was perfectly apparent that 
we could neither make our way to the Opera House nor could 
we extricate ourselves. But the terrors continued. Women 
were knocked down and trampled under foot, some of them 
almost unconscious, others bleeding from the hands and face; 
arms were bruised and twisted ; pocketbooks were snatched 
and wrist- watches stolen. 

Wlien it looked as if the suffocating rael& would result in 
the death or permanent injury to some of us, I was at last 
dragged by a policeman to the edge of the crowd. Although 
I offered not the slightest resistance, I was crushed continu- 
ously in the arm by the ofBcer who walked me to the police 
station, and kept muttering: "You're a bunch of cannibals, — 
cannibals, — Bolsheviks." 

Upon arriving at the police station I was happily relieved 

to find five of my comrades already there. We were all impar- 
tially cursed at ; told to stand up ; told to sit down ; forbidden 
to speak to one another; forbidden even to smile at one an- 
other. One by one we were called to the desk to give our 
name, age, and various other pieces of information. We stood 
perfectly silent before the station lieutenant as he coaxingly 
said, "You'd better tell." — "You'd better give us your name." 
. — "You'd better tell us where you live — it will make things 
easier for you." But we continued our silence. 

Disorderly conduct, interfering with the police, assaulting 
the police (Shades of Heaven! assaulting the police!), were the 
charges entered against us. 

We were all locked in separate cells and told that we 
would be taken to the Woman's Night Court for immediate 

While pondering on what was happening to our comrades 
and wondering if they, too, would be arrested, or if they would 
just be beaten up by the police and mob, a large, fat jail 
matron came up and began to deliver a speech, which ran 
something like this: 

"Now, shore and you ladies must know that this is goin* a 
bit too far. Now, I'm for suiFrage alright, and I believe women 
ought to vote, but why do you keep botherin' the President? 
Don't you know he has got enough to think about with the 
League of Nations, the Peace Conference and fixin' up the 
whole world on his mind?" 

In about half an hour we were taken from our cells and 
brought before the Lieutenant, who now announced, "Well, 
you ladies may go now, — I have just received a telephone order 
to release you." 

We accepted the news and jubilantly left the station house, 
returning at once to our comrades. There the battle was still 
going on, and as we joined them we were again dragged and 
cuffed about the streets by the police and their aids, but there 



were no more arrests, Elsie Hill succeeded In Bpealdng from 
a balconj above the heads of the crowd: 

"Did you men turn back when you saw the Germans com- 
ingP What would you have thought of any one who did? Did 
you expect us to turn back? We never turn back, either — 
and we won't until democracy is won! Who rolled bandages 
for you when you were sufTcring abroad? Who bound your 
wounds in your fight for democracy? Who spent long hours 
of the night and the day knitting you warm garments? There 
are women here to-night attempting to hold banners to remind 
the President that democracy is not won at home, who have 
given their sons and husbands for your fight abroad. What 
would they say if they could sec you, their comrades in the 
fight over there, attacking their mothers, their sisters, their 
wives over here? Aren't you ashamed that you have not 
enough sporting blood to allow us to make our fig^t in our 
own way? Aren't you ashamed that you accepted the help of 
women in your fight, and now to-night brutally attack them?" 

And they did listen until the police, in formation — looking 
now like wooden toys — advanced from both sides of the street 
and succeeded in entirely cutting off the crowd from Miss Hill. 

The meeting thus broken up, we abandoned a further at- 
tempt that night. As our little, bannerless procession filed 
slowly back to headquarters, hoodlums followed us. The police 
of course gave us no protection and just as we were entering 
the door of our own building a rowdy struck me on the side 
of the head with a heavy banner pole. The blow knocked me 
senseless against the stone building; my hat was snatched from 
my head, and burned in the street. We entered the building 
to find that soldiers and sailors had been periodically rushing 
it in our absence, dragging out bundles of our banners, amount- 
ing to many hundreds of dollars, and burning them in the 
street, without any protest from the police. 

One does not undergo such an experience without arriTing 


at some meicapable tniths, a diacussioD of which vould istereat 
me deeply but which would be irrelevant in this narrative. 

"Two hundred maddened women try to see the Preaident." 
. . . "Two hundred women attack the police," and similar 
false headlines, appeared the next morning in the New York 
papers. It hurt to have the world think that we had attacked 
the police. That was a slight matter, however, for that morn- 
ing at breakfast, aboard the George Wathington, the President 
also read the New York papers. He saw that we were not 
submitting in silence to his inaction. It seems reasonable to 
assume that on sailing down the harbor that morning past the 
Statue of Liberty the President had some trouble to banish 
from his mind the report that "two hundred maddened women" 
had tried to "make the Opera House last night." 

THE "Prison Special," which was nearinif the end of iU 
dramatic tour, was arousing the people to call for a 
special session of Congress, as the President sailed 

Although a Republican Congress had be^i elected, Prect- 
dent Wilson, as tlie head of the Administration, waa still 
responsible for initiating and guiding legislation. We had b> 
see to it that, with his Congress out of power, he did not relax 
his eiForts on behalf of the amendment. 

There was this situation which we were able to use to our 
advantage. Two new Democratic Senators, Senator Harrison 
of Mississippi and Senator Harris of Georgia, had been elected 
to sit in the incoming Congress through the President's influ- 
ence. He, therefore, had very specific power over these two 
men, who were neither committed against sufTrage by previous 
votes nor were they yet won to the amendment. 

We immediately set ourselves to the task of getting the 
President to win one of these men. From the election of these 
two men in the autumn to early spring, constant pressure was 
put upon the President to tliis end. When we could see no 
activity on the part of the President to secure the support of 
one of them, we again threatened puUicly to resume dramatic 
protests against him. We kept the idea abroad that he was 
atill responsible, and that we would continae to hold him so, 
until the amendment was passed. 

Such a situation gave friends of the Administration coh- 



siderable alarm. They realized that the slightest attack oa 
the President at that moment would jeopardize his many other 
endeavors. And so these frienda of the Preaidetit undertook to 
acquaint him with the facts. 

Senator Harris was happily in Europe at the time. A most 
anxious cable, si^ed by politicians in his own party, was sent 
to the President in Paris explaining the serious situation and 
urging hira to do his utmost to secure the vote of the Senator 
at once. 

Senator Harris was in Italy when he received an unexpected 
telegram asking him to come to Paris. He journeyed with all 
speed to the President, perhaps even thinking that he was 
about to be dispatched to some foreign post, to learn that the 
conference was for the purpose of securing his vote on the 
national suffrage amendment. 

Senator Harris there and then gave his vote, the 64th 

On tliat day the passage by Congress of the original Susan 
B. Anthony amendment was assured. 

Instantly a cable was received at the White House carrying 
news to the suffragists of the final capture of the elusive last 
vote. Following immediately on the heels of this cable came 
another cable calling the new Congress into special session 
May 19tli. 

In the light of the President's gradual yielding and final 
surrender to our demand, it will not be out of place to sum- 
marize briefly just what happened. 

President Wilson began his career as President of the 
United States an anti-sufTragist. He was opposed to suffrage 
for women both by principle and political expediency. Some- 
times I think he regarded suffragists as a kind of sect — good 
women, no doubt, but tiresome and troublesome. Whether he 
has yet come to see the suffrage battle as jiart of a groat 
movement embracing the world is still a question. It is not an 




important question, for in any case it was not inward coDvie- 
tion but political necessity that made him act. 

Believing then that suffragists were a sect, he said man; 
things to them at first with no particular care as to the bearing 
of these things upon political theory or events. He offered, 
successively, "consideration," an "open mind," a "closed mind," 
and "age-long conviction deeply matured," party Unnitations, 
party concert of action, and what not. He saw in suffrage 
the "tide rising to meet the moon," but waited and advised ui 
to wait with him. But we did not want to wait, and we pro- 
ceeded to try to make it impossible for him to wait, either. 
We determined to make action upon this issue politically 
expedient for liim. 

When the President began to perceive the potential politi- 
cal power of women voters, he first declared, as a "private 
citizen," that suffrage was all right for the women of his home 
state. New Jersey, but that it was altogether wrong to ask 
him as President to assist in bringing it about for all the 
women of the nation. He also interested himself in writing the 
suffrage plank in the Democratic Party's national platform, 
specifically relegating action on suffrage to the states. Then 
he calmly announced that he could not act nationally, "even if 
I wanted to," because the platform had spoken otherwise. 

The controversy was lengthened. The President's con- 
spicuous ability for sitting still and doing nothing on a con- 
troversial issue until both sides have exhausted their ammuni- 
tion was never better illustrated than in this matter. He 
allowed the controversy to continue to the point of intellectual 
sterility. He buttressed his delays with more evasions, until 
finally the women intensified their demand for action. They 
picketed his official gates. But the President still recoiled 
from action. So mightily did he recoil from it that he was 
willing to imprison women for demanding it. 

It is not extraordinary to resent being called upon to act, 

RIS 339 I 

to action, U 


for it ia only the exceptional person who springs to action, 
even when action is admitted to be desirable and necessary. 
And the President is not exceptional. He is surprisingly 

While the women languished in prison, he fell back upon 
words — ^beautiful words, too — expressions of friendliness, good 
wishes, hopes, and may-I-nota. In this, too, he was acting 
like an ordinary human being, not like the statesman he waa 
reputed to be. He had habituated himself to a belief in the 
power of words, and every time he uttered them to us he 
seemed to refortify himself in his belief in their power. 

It was the women, not the President, who were exceptional. 
They refused to accept words. They persisted in demanding 
nets. Step by step under terrific gunfire the President's 
resistance crumbled, and he yielded, one by one, every minor 
facility to the measure, always withholding from us, however, 
the main objective. Not until he had exhausted all minor 
facilities, and all possible evasions, did he publicly declare that 
the amendment should pass the House, and put it through. 
When he had done that we rested from the attack momentarily, 
in order to let him consummate with grace, and not under fire, 
the passage of the amendment in the Senate. He rested alto- 
gether. We were therefore compelled to renew the attack. He 
countered at first with more words. But his reliance upon 
them was perceptibly shaken when we burned them in public 
bonfires. He then moved feebly but with a growing concern 
toward getting additional votes in the Senate. And when, as 
an inei-itable result of his policy — and ours — the political 
embarrassment became too acute, calling into question his 
honor and prestige, he covertly began to consult his colleagues. 
We pushed him the harder. He moved the faster toward con- 
crete endeavor. He actually undertook to win the final votes 
in the Senate. 

There be found, however, that quite an alarming situation 




had developed—a situation which he should have anticipAted, 
but for which he was totally unprepared. Opposition in hia 
own party had been growing more and more rigid and cjnical. 
His own opposition to the amendment, his grant of itmnuntty 
to those leaders in his party who had fought the measure, 
his' isolating himself from those who might have helped — all 
this was coming to fruition among his subordinates at a time 
when he could least afford to be beaten on aiiythiag. What 
would have been a fairly easy race to win, if he had begua 
running at the pistol shot, had now become most difficult. 

Perceiving that he had now not only to move himself, but 
also to overcome the obstacle which he had allowed to develop, 
we increased the energy of our attack. And finally the Presi- 
dent made a supreme assertion of his power, and secured the 
last and 64th vote in the Senate. He did this too late to get 
the advantage — if any advantage is to be gained from grant- 
ing a just thing at the point of a gun — for this last vote 
arrived only in time for a Republican Congress to use it. 

It seems to me that Woodrow Wilson was neither devil nor 
God in his manner of meeting the demand of the suffragists. 
There has persisted an astounding myth that he is an extraor- 
dinary man. Our experience proved the contrary. He behaved 
toward us like a very ordinary politician. Unnecessarily cruel 
or weakly tolerant, according as you view the justice of our 
6ght, but a politician, not a statesman. He did not go out to 
meet the tide which he Iiimself perceived was "rising to meet 
the moon," That would have been statesmanship. He let it 
all but engulf him before he acted. And even as a politician 
he failed, for his tactics resulted in the passage of the (unrnd- 
ment b; a Republican Congress. 




THE Republican Congress convened in Special Session 
May 19. 

Instantly Republican leaders in control of the 66tti 
Congress caucusscd and organized for a prompt passage of 
the amendment. May 21st the Republican House of Reprt- 
seotatives passed the measure by a vote of QOl to 89— the first 
thing of any importance done by the new House. This was 
42 votes above the required two-thirds majority, whereas the 
vote in the House in January, 1918, under Democratic control 
had given the measure only one vote more than was required. 

Immediately the Democratic National Committee passed a 
resolution calling on the legislatures of the various states to 
hold special legislative sessions where necessary, to ratify 
the amendment as soon as it was through Congress, in order 
to "enable women to vote in the national elections of 1920." 

When the 64th vote was assured two more Republican 
Senators announced their support, Senator Keyps of New 
Hampshire and Senator Hale of Maine, and on June 4th the 
measure passed the Senate by a vote of 6S to 30, — 2 votes 
more than needed.' Of the 49 Republicans in the Senate, 40 
voted for the amendment, 9 against. Of the 47 Democrats in 
the Senate, 26 voted for it and 21 against. 

And so the assertion that "the right of citizens of the 
United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 
■ThrM Agurcfl include all voting and paiied. 



United States or by any state on account of sex," introduced 
into Congress by the efforts of Susan B. Anthony in 1878, 
was finally submitted to the states for ratification * on June 
4th, 1919. 

I do not need to explain that the amendment was not won 
from the Republican Congress between May 19th and June 
4th, 1919. The Republican Party had been gradually coming 
to appreciate this opportunity throughout our entire national 
agitation from 1913 to date. And our attack upon the party 
in power, which liappened to be President Wilson's party, had 
been the most decisive factor in stimulating the opposition 
party to espouse our side. It is perhaps fortunate for the 
Republican Party that it was their pobtical opponents who 
inherited this lively question in 1913. However, the political 
advantage is theirs for having promptly and ungrudgingly 
passed the amendment the moment they came into power. But 
it will not be surprising to any one who has read this book 
that I conclude by pointing out that the real triumph belongs 
to the women. 

Our objective was the national enfranchisement of women. 
A tiny step, you may say. True! But so long as we know 
that this is but the first step in the long struggle of women 
for political, economic and social emancipation, we need not be 
disturbed. If political institutions as we know them to-day in 
their discredited condition break down, and another kind of 
organization — perhaps industrial — -supplants them, women 
will battle for their place in the new system with as much 
determination as they have shown in the strug^e just ended. 

That women have been aroused never again to be content 
with their subjection there can be no doubt. Tliat they will 
ultimately secure for themselves equal power and responsibility 
' When a constitutional amendnient haa passed Congress It must b« 
ratified by a. majority vote of 36 slate legislatures and thereupon proelnimed 
operative by the Secretary of State of thp United States before It beconiei 
the law of the land. For ratificatiaD data see Appendix 1. 


KT 343 I 


in whatever system of government is evolved is positive. How 
revolutionary will be the changes when women get this power 
and responsibility no one can adequately foretell. One thing 
is certain. They will not go back. They will never again be 
good and willing slaves. 

It has been a long, wearying struggle. Although drudgery 
has persisted throughout, there have been compensatory mo- 
ments of great joy and beauty. The relief that comes after m 
great achievement is sweet. There is no residue of bitterness. 
To be sure, women have often resented it deeply that so much 
human energy had to be expended for so simple a right. But 
whatever disillusionments they have experienced, they have 
kept their faith in women. And the winning of political power 
by women will have enonnouslj elevated their status. 

'I. Mrti. LAivLiKM-tLK.ivrs; i. Mns. (.;i.uih.e Rui,«i;k; 3. Mbb, 
Iessica IIen-debsok; 1 4. Mita. Naomi HAiuie:rr: S. AIiab KiJUBtrm 
Hrrr; 0. Dr. E, Speweh; T. Misa Rith Crooicb; 
9. Mian Rmn Wimi^w; 9. Mim Bkhbt Pottieh; 'IO. MirsJi-lu 
Huaattr; 11. Miss Kbvbsti-jc IIar.^; IS. Mea. Betset Rir.vur. 

I. Mhs. Kate Wcnhtov; 'i. Miss Ilw.f-i. il^■^Kl^s; 3. 
Mias Mauv H. Inqhau; M. MiaaEuzAHtm Kalbi 5. Misa 
Maud Jamisoni 'O. Mrs. Louise Mato; T. Mrs. A.vnie J. 
McGee; 6. MiBs Neli, Mercer; *9. Mns. Bertha C 
Molleb; *10. MissKatiieriseC. Moeby; 11. Mrs. AqnesH. 
Morey; is. Mibs Maud KIalone; 13. Mrb. Elsie Vekvank; 
in, Maa. John Rogers. Jr. 

•©ffam. AEv...,; WVi 


1. MiBB R[.cAKOR Calsan; «. Mrs. Vi. D. Aacoron; 3. 
Mias JcLU Ehort; 4. Mrs, Dorothy Bahtlbtt; 5. Mrs. 
Akbt Scutt Bakeh; 0. Mies Loiube Brtant: *T. Mms 
Mart Gertbitdk FaNDALL; *B. Misa KATnA.RiN& Fisnai; S. 
Misa Alice Gram; 10. Dr. Sarab H. Loc-eRcr; 11. Mas. 
FneDESicK W. Kendali.; 14. Mrs. Eliubetq WAL,uB^Er; 
IS, Miss Sc!G White; 11. Mrs. Ikis Caldciwead ^VALKE&. 

* ® BarrU i Emig. 

1. Misa Edna Dixon; 4. Misa GtiiTiuuE L. Cikhkehl 
•3. MisB Clara Wolu; i. Mibs Jzn-mb IIhonf.n-behg; 5, 
MiM LcL-Y Bhanham; 8. Mhb. Maht E. Bhown; 17. Mrs. 
Kate J. Boeckb; 8. Mrs. Pai^ua Jakobi: 'D. Miaa Mahv 
DcBROW; 10, Mbb. Pauline Adaus: 11. Mas. Rebecca 
TViVBOB Evanb; lia. Miaa Visoikia Arnold; '13. Mrs. A. 
R. CoLVis; H. Miss Edith Aisge, 

I. Misa Lavikia L. Docii,: i. Uias Itijtti! FiansTELx; S. 
Mrs. Wm. F. I>oweu.; 4. Miss Reba Gduborov: 6. Mna, 
Lvrr Brakhau; 0. Mita. Aknib Abneii.: 7. Mt8B Coha 
Crawford; *8. Mas. GiuonGahuxbr; *9. Miss Rlsib Hill: 
*10. Miss Natauk Grat: 11. Mrs. J. IsviKa Grobs; U. 
Mrs. LiTTUJi Cauieb; 13. Mrs. H. E. ttmiAM; 14. Mrs. 
Rust K. Koevio. 

•® HioTii i Ewin,. 

1. Miss Marcaret Fotheringiiau; 'i. Mias As-.\e Mah- 
t(n; 3. Mhs. Mahtiia Kbkd :^h<ii:wak£I(; 'i. Alns^ M. 
ToecAN Be!ikett; S. Misb hvct Ewing; 6. Mibi 
Gb.ui; T. Miss Gi^dts GREtXEH; 8. Mrs. H. O. Have 
■». Miss Kate HBrrELFisoEK; 10. Mrs. Rosa Fuww 
fll. Mbs. Florence Batard IlfLLEs; 12. Mrs. Ems ', 
Mais; 13. Mns. Margaret Oaks; H. Misa Vic 



*1. Mhh. IIabveyW. Wilet; i, Mas. PsoebeC, MrNKECKE; 
tS. Slua NlKA SAktiRODlN; 4. Mlaa Mart Wikhor; 5, Mlaa 
itnoDA ICEtxoGu: 0. MttB. Liiia Warhen Shaw; 
Hi'iH Small: 8- Mna. Alexa-Vdeh Shikldb; 
IUlcna Hill Weed; '10. Mibs Mabel 
Robert II. Whlker: li. Mus Maruan 
1.1. Misa Martha W. Moore; 14. Mim Ellev Winmib. 

■ S> EimaiulaK fHarrti * £vuf > 

7. MlHB 

f9. Mrs. 
11. Mrs. 





Text of the National Suffrage Amendment 

Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States extending the right of euffrage to women. 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Represent ativet of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled {tito- 
thirds of each House concurring therein), That the following 
articles be proposed to the legislatures of the several States 
as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, 
which when ratified b; three-fourths of the said legislatures, 
shall be valid as part of said Constitution, namely: 

"ARTICLE— SEC. 1. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States or by any State on account of sex. 

"SEC, i. Congress shall have power, by appropriate le^ 
islation, to enforce the provisions of this article." 



Rbcoes of Action on National SuFraACE Amendment 

In Cong rett 


By Susan B. Anthony in 1876 

First Introduced 

January 10, 1878, by Hon. A. A. Sargent, in the Senate 

Reported from Committee 

Jtt the StaaU 
i. Adverse mnjoritv. 
), Favorslik minorUy. 
!, Favorable majority, 

adverse minori^. 
1, Favorable majori^, 

adverse minority. 
5, FavDrabie mnjority. 
J, Fnvorabie majority. 
(, Favorable majority, 

adverse minority. 
t. Adverse majority. 
), Favorable majority, 
k Favorable majority, 
r, Favorable majority. 
), Unanimously favorably. 

In tht HoiU0 
, Favorable majority. 
, Adverse majority, 

favorable minority, 
i, Favorable minority. 
), Favorably majority. 
t, Adverse majority. 
■, Without recommendation. 
i. Without recommendatioiL 
, Without recommendBtlDn. 
I. Favorable majority. 
I, Favorable majority. 

Voted Upon 


In the 84'nale 

January 9S, IBHT. Yeaa 16, nays 34. 
Absent US (of whom * were an- 
nounced as for and 2 against). 

Mar^b 19, \9M. Yeas 35. nays 34, 
failing by II of the necessary two- 
thirds vote. 

October I, 1918. Yeas 54, nays 30, 
failing bv 1 of the two-thirds vote. 

February 10, 1919. Yeas 55, nays 
' 99, foiling by 1 of the necessary 
two-tbirds vote, 

June 4, 19I!). Yea« 56, nays 95, 
passing by 9 votes over necessary 
two-tmrda majority. 

In tk4 Smm 

January 19, I9I5, Yeaa 174, nayi 
904, failing by 79 of the necessaiy 
two-thirds vote. 

January 10, 1918. Yeas 274. navs 
136, passing by 1 vote over neccs- | 
sary two-thinis majority. I 

May 3i, 1919. Yeas 304, nays 89, ; 
passing hy 49 votes over neeessaiy 
two-thirds majority. 



fl ^ ^.. y--^i^-i--^-i 


]l iMUUsMiUisismiUiiiUUUM 

Z I iiiiiiiiiisliiiiiliiiliiliiiliililii 

s ^i mumimnMMmuuiiuUi 





^^^^^^^ APPENDIX 2 

^^^ CooNTRiM m Which Women Vote 

Awrbaijain (Moslem) Iceland , 

. . 1919 

^^ Republic 1919 Ireland 

. 1918 

^^ Australia 190£ Me of Man 

. 1881 

^^M Austria 191S Luxembourir 

,. 1919 

^H ^Beleium 1919 "Mexico , 

. 1917 , 

^H BHtish East AfHca. . . 1919 New Zealand 

. 1898 

^H Canada 1918 Norwav 

. . 1907 

^H Czecho Slovakia 1918 Poland 

.. 1918 

^H Denmark 1915 Rhodesia 

. 1919 

^^ "Eneland 1918 Russia 

. 1917 

1 Finland 1906 Scotland 

. 1918 J 

1 Germany 1918' 'Sweden 

. 1919 1 

Holland 1919 United States 

.. 1980 1 

Hungary 1918 Wales 

, . 1918 

1 ^ Electoral Reform BUI as passed granted suffrage to i 

widows who have not remarried and mothers of soldier* kUled \ 

in battle or civilio'ns shot by Germans. 

' Women over age of 30 — B3i to reduce age to 91 has patted 

its second reading. 

' No sex qualification for voting in constitution. 


have to far not availed themxelves of their right to vote. 

. but are 

expected to do so in the coming elections. 

_ *Tobe confirmed in 1920. 

k -^ 



Rebolutionb Demanding Investigations 

Resolution (171) to authorize an InTestigatiou of the District 

of Columbia Workhouse. 
Introduced in the House bj Miss Jeannette Ranlun, Repre- 
sentative from Montana. 
October S, 1917. 
Text of Resolution: 

Reiolved, That a select committee of seven Members of 
the House of Representatives be appointed by the Speaker to 
investigate the administration of the District of Columbia 
Workhouse at Occoquan, Virginia, and to report thereon as 
early as possible during the second session of the Sixty-fifth 
Congress. Said committee is authorized to sit during the re- 
cess in Washington, District of Columbia and elsewhere, to 
Bubpcena witnesses, and to call for records relating to the said 
workhouse. To defray the necessary expenses of such Inves- 
tigation, including the employment of clerical asHstance, the' 
committee is authorized to expend not to exceed $1,000 from 
the contingent fund of the House. 

Resolution (130) to authorize an Investigation of Mob At- 
tacks on SufTragists. 

^troduced in the House by John Baer, Representative from 
North Dakota. 
August 17, 1917. 

Text of Resolution : 




Whereas, in the city of Washington, D. C, about 850 
feet from the White House premises is a building known as the 
Cameron House, in which is located headquarters and main 
offices of a woman's organization at which is continually con- j 
gregated women of character, courage and intelligence, who I 
come from various sections of the United States, and 

Whebeas, on three successive days, to nit: the 14tb, 
15th and 16th days of August, 1917, on said days immedi- 
ately following the closing of the day's work by the clerks and 
employees of the Executive Departments, hundreds of these 
clerks and employees, acting with sailors, then and now in the 
service of the United States Navy and in uniform at the time, 
and soldiers, then and now in the service of the United States 
Army, also in their uniforms at the time, — and these clerks, em- 
ployees, sailors and soldiers, and others, formed themselves 
into mohs and deliberately, unlawfully and violently damaged 
the said headquarters and oflices of the said woman's organi- 
zation by pelting rotten eggs through the doors and windows, 
shooting a bullet from a revolver through a window, and other- 
wise damaging said Cameron House, and also violently and 
unlawfully did strike, choke, drag and generally mistreat and 
injure and abuse the said women when they came defenseless 
upon the streets adjoining as well as when they were in the 
said building; and 

Whekeab, the organized police of the City of Washing- 
ton, District of Columbia, made no attempt to properly safe- 
guard the property and persons of the said defenseless women, 
but, on the contrary, said police even seemed to encourage the 
lawless acts of the mob ; and 

Wheeeas, such lawlessness is in the Capital of the 
United States and within a few hundred feet of the Executive 
Mansion and offices of the President of the United States; and 

WuEKEAS, these attacks upon defenseless women are 
not only an outrage and crime in themselves, that prove tJie 


perpetratora and those lending aid to the Bame to be cowards, 
but in addition, create throughout the world contempt for the 
United States and set a vicious example to the people through- 
out the United States and the world at large, of lawlessness 
and Tiolence; and encourage designing cowards and manipula- 
tors everywhere to form mobs to molest the innocent and de- J 
fenseless under any pretext whatever; and 

Whereas, there seems to be no actirity or attempt on 
the part of any one in authority in the City of Washington, 
District of Columbia, nor by the government officials to ap- , 
prehend, arrest or punish those perpetrating tlie violence, on | 
account of which the same may occur indefinitely unless Con-1 
gress acts in the premises; and 

Whebeas, the legal status upon the premises stated I 
WDidd excuse the occupants of the Cameron House if thej^ 
were so disposed in 6ring upon the mobs aforesaid, and thus 
create a state of greater violence and unlawry, to further injure 
the prestige and good name of the United States for maintain- 
ing law and order and institutions of democracy ; therefore be it 

Reaolred, that the Speaker appoint a Committee of 
seven members to investigate into all the facts relating to thA J 
violence and unlawful acts aforesaid, and matcc the earliest po»- J 
iible report upon the conditions, with the purpose in view of 1 
purging the army and navy of the United States and other offi- 
cial departments, of all lawless men who bring disgrace upon 
the American Hag by participating in mob violence, and also to 
inquire regarding the conduct of all government emplovees and J 
the police of the city of Washington, District of Columbia, with I 
• view to maintaiiung law and order. 




Hon:— Scores of women were arrested but never brought to triali 
many others were eonvicted and their eentenees suspended or appealed. 11 
has been possible to list below only those women who actually served prisoD 
sentences although more than five hundred women were arrcKted during the 

MiKNiE D. Ahbott, Atlantic City, N. J, officer of the N.W.P. (Na- 
tional Woman's Party]. Arrested piclteting July 14, 1BI7, sentenced to 60 
days in Occoquan workhouse. 

Mm. Padliwe Aoams, Norfolk, Va., wife of leading physician, promi- 
nent clubwotnan and Congressional District Chainnan of the N.W.P. Ar- 
rested pielieting Sept. 4, 1917. Sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan work- 
bouse. Arrested watchflre demonstration Feb. 9, 1919, but t^eased on 
account of lack of evidence. 

Enrrn Aikoe, Jamestown, N. Y., native of England, came to Ameriem 
when a child, and has brought up family of nine brothers and sisters. 
Worked for state suffrage in N. Y. 1915. 'Served five jail sentences. Sen- 
tenced to 60 days in Oecoquan for picketing Sept., 1917, 15 days in Aug, 

1918, Lafavette Sq. meeting, and three short terms in District Jail in Jbil, 

1919, watchflre demonstrations. { 

Haosiet U. AHORCtn, Kansas City, Mo., came to Washington as war 
worker. Arrested watchBre demonstration and sentenced to 5 days in Dis- 
trict JailJan., 1919. 

Mm. Aknie Ahweil, Wilmington, DeU did picket duty from beginning 
in 1917. One of first six suffrage prisoners. Served eight jail sentences, 3 
days, June, 1917; 60 days in Occoquan, Aug.-Sept., 1917, picketing; IS dayi, 
Aug., 1918, Lafayette Sq. meeting, and five sentences of fi days each in J»a. 
and Feb., 1919, watchflre demonstrationB. 

Berthe Abnold, Colorado Springs, Colo., daughter of prominent phyd- 
dan. Educated at Colo. State Univ. Student of music Phila.; memt>er of 
D.A.R.; kindergarten tcHoher. Arrested Jan., 1919, watcliflre demonBtr»- i 
tion, sentenced to 5 days in District JniL i 

ViBoiHiA Abnolii. North Carolina, student George Washington and Co- ' 
lumbia Univs,. school teacher, later orgnniier and executive secretary N.W.P. I 
in Washington. Served 3 days June, 1917, with first pickets sentenced. 


Mm, W. D. AicoroH, Detroit, Mich. Fonncr Conn. State Chaiiman, 
N.W.P. Studied for concert stage London and Paris, Abandoned concert 
Hlage to devote time to suffrage. Sentenced to 15 days Aug,, 1918, Lafay- 
ette Sq. meeting, and S days Feb., 1919. in vatchBre demonst ration. Mem- 
ber "Prison Special" which toured country in Feb., 1919. 

Mm. Abbt Scott Baeeh, Washington, D. C, wife of Dr. Robert Baker, 
and descendant long line of army officers. Three sons in service during 
World War. Known as the diplomat of the N.W.P., and as such has inters 
viewed practicnlly every man prominent in political life. Member executive 
cotntnittee of N.W.P. and has been political chairman since 1919, Arrested 
picketing and sentenced to 60 days in Occoqunn, Sept., 1917, 

Mu. Chailes W. Baihes, Indianapolis, Ind., officer of Ind. Branch. 
N.W.P. Arrested picketing Nov., 191T, sentenced to 16 days in jaiL 

Mm, M. Toscah Bisnett. Harlford, Conn,, wife of lawyer and writer, 
member D.A.B. and Colonial Dames, has heen active in state suffrage work 
for many years. Member National Advisory Council, N.W.P. and Conn, 
state treasurer. Arrested Jan., 1919, watchflre demonst ration. Sentenced 
to 5 days in District Jail. 

Hiu>* BLtmaERo, New York City, native of Russia, one of youngest 
prisoners, Educated and taught school in this country. Arrested picketing, 
Sept,, 1917; sentenced to 30 days in Occoquanj arrested again Nov. 10, sen- 
tenced to 15 days. 

Mu, Kate Boeckb, Washington, D. C native of Canada, one of first 
women aeroplane pllot.i. Arrested picketing Aug., 191T, ease appealed. Ar* 
rested applauding in court Jan., 1919, served 3 days. 

Mm. Catbeuke Botu, Newca'^tlc, Del, munitions worker during World 
War. Arrested Jan., 1919, watchfire demonstration, sentenced to 5 days In 

LrcT G. BiANHAJf, Baltimore, Md., organiier N.W.P., graduate Wnab- 
ington College, Md.; M. A., Johns Hopkins; graduate student Univ. of Chi- 
cago and Ph.D. Columbia. Won Carnegie hero medal for rescuing man and 
woman from drowning at St. Petersburg, Pla. Arrested picketing SepLi 
1917, sentenced to 60 days in Occoquiin and District JaiL 

Mu. LiTCT G, Bkanhau, Baltimore, Md., mother of Miss Lucy Branham, 
widow of Dr. John W, Branhnm who lost his life fighting a yellow fever 
epidemic in Go. Arrested watchfire demonstration Jan., 1919; sentenced to 
3 days in District Jail. 

Mm. Jorh Wtititm Boassav, New York City, daughter of the late 
Charles A. Dana, founder and editor N. Y. Sun, trusted counselor of Prest- 
doit Lincoln; wife of Dr. Brannan, Pres. Board of Trustee* BeUevue Hoa- 



pltali nmnber nemtiTie rommitlM N.W.P, state diairtDan Nor Torit 
Branch. Did brilliant stale suffrage work as officer of Woman's Palitical 
Union In N. Y. Arn^itrd pi<^krting July 14. 1917. scnicticnl to 60 day* in 
Occnquati; pardoned br President after seMing 3 days. Again arrested 
picketing Nov. 10, 1917, sentenced to *S days. 

Mu. Mast E. Biovh, Wilminpton, Dd., state press chairman, N-W-P. 
Father member Kirsl Del. repracnt; mother field nurse. Civil War. De- 
scendant Captain Darid Porter, of Battleship Essex. War of 1812. Ar- 
mied watehflrc demonstration Jan. 13, 1919, sentenced to S days in District 

IjinsE Bbtakt, New York City, formerly of Portland. Ore., aathor. poet 
and journalist, wife of John Reed. Correspondent for Phila. Public Ledger 

LccT BcvKs, New York City, graduate Vassar College, student of Yale 
Unfv. and VaW. of Bonn, Germany. Hieh School teaciier. Joined Engli«b 
militant suffrage movement 1909, where she met Alice Paul, with whom sbc 

Joined in establishinR first permanent suffrage headquarters in Washington 
n Jan., 1913i helped organize parade of March 3. 1913; rice chairmaH and 
member of executive committee Congressional Union for Womnn Suffrage 
[later the N.W.P.J, for a time editor of The Svffragiit. Leader of most ot 
the picket demonstrations and served more time in jail than any other suf- 
fragist in America. Arrested picketing June, IS17, sentenced to 3 days; 
arrested Sept., 1917, sentenced to 60 days; arrested Not. 10, 1917, sentenced 
to six months: in January, 1919, arrested watchflre demonstrations for 
which she ser^'cd one 3 day and two 5 day Bcatcuces. She also served 4 
prison terms in England. 

Mas. Htsav BurreawoHTB, New York City, comes of an old Huguenot 
family. Active in cii-ic and suffrage work in N. Y. for past M years. 
Charter meml>er Nationnl Society of Craftsmen. Arrested picketing No*^ 
1917, sentenced to 30 days in Occoquaii. 

Mu. l.caiLE A. Cai.sim, Princeton, la. Great-granddaughter of Geo^ 
Fowler, founder of New Harmony, Ind. Government worker during Worb) 
War, Arrested watchflre demonstration Jan- 13, 1919, sentenced to 5 daja 
in District JalL 

EutAHOB Calitaw, Mcthueti, Mass. Congressional district diairman of 
Mass. Branch N.W.P. Arrested picketing July U, 1917, sentenced to 60 
days in Occoquan, pardoned by President after 3 days; arrested Sept., 1917, 
aentenred to 60 days in Occoquan. Arrested in Boston, Feb., 1919, for 
participation In Boston demonstration at home coming of President; sen- 
tenced to 8 days In Charles St. Jail. 

Mu. AoMH Chase. Washington, D. C, formerly of III.; engaged In 
gcientifir research work for U. S, Dept. of Aipiculture. Arrested l^fayetU 
8q. meeting August, 1918, sentenced to 10 days. Arrested watchfire deaKHi- 
■tration Jan., 1919, sentenced to S days. 


Mu. Palti L, CHEVBizm, New York Citj. arrested watchnre demonstra- 
tion Jan., 1919, sentenced to 5 days. Member "Prison Special" which toured 
country in Feb., 1919. 

Mrs. Helek CmaAflEi, Brid^port, Conn., munition worker and member 
of Machinists' Union. Arrested watchflre demonstration Jan. 13, I919j 
sentenced to 5 days in jaiL 

V deceased; arrested pick- 

JoaEFHiNE Collins, Framln^ham, Mass.. owns and manages the rUlage 
store at Framingham Center. She encountered serious opposition from 
gome of her customers on account of her militant activities; one of first 
members N.W.P.; arrested in Boston Feb., 1919, for taking part in welcome 
to the President; sentenced to 8 days in Charles St. JaiL 

Mns. SjtSAH Tableton Coivih, St- Paul, Minn., member famous Tarlcton 
family of Alabama, wife of Dr. A. R. Colvin, Major in the Army, and 
Acting Surgical Chief at Fort McHenrj- during World War; graduate nurse 
Johns Hopkins training school. Red Cross nurse in this country' during war; 
Minnesota stale chairman N.W.P. Memlier "Prison Special." Arrested 
watchflre demonstrations Jan., 1919; sentenced to 3 terms of 3 days each. 

Betty Covnou-t, West Newton,, household as.<iistanl, arrested in 
Boston, Feb., 1919, demonstration of welcome to President Wilson; sen- 
tenced to 9 days in Charles St. Jail. 

Mns. Ai.iCB M. CosTT, New Orleana, La., vice chairman I-a. state branch 
N.W.P. Arrested picketing Nov., 1917, and sentenced to 30 days in Occo- 
quan workhouse. 

CoBA Cbawfobp, Philadelphia. Pa., business woman. Marched In 1913 
suffrage parade in Washington. .Arrested watchflre dcmon.'itration Jan., 
1919; sentenced to S days in District Jail. 

GEBTitnw CaocKEi. Washinirton, D. C., formerly of 111^ educated at 
Vossar College and Univ. of Chicago. National Trea!!UTwr N.W.P. 1918; 
government worker, 1917. Served 3 jail sentences: 30 davs for picketing in 
1917, 10 days for assisting Lafayette Sq. meeting 1918, and fi days for 
participating watchflre 1919. 

Ruth Cbockeb, Washington, D. C, formerly of III., sister of Gertmae 
Crocker. Came to Washlngtnn for suffrage, laler government worker. 
Served 30 days at Occoquaii for picketing in 1917 and 3 days in District 
Jail for watchflre demonstration Jan., 1919. 

Miss L. J. C. Dakiels, Grafton, Vt, and Boston. Arrested picketing 
Nov. 10, I9IT, sentenced to IS days. Took part in Capitol picketing Nov.. 
1918; arrested watchflre demonstration Jan. 9, 1919, sentenced to 5 days In 
District Jail. Arrested in Boston for participation in welcome dcmonstra- 
tloD to President, sentenced to 8 days in Charles St. JolL 

DoBOTHT D*T, New York City, member of the "Masses" (now the "Lib- 
erator"] staff. Arrested picketing Nov. 10, 1917, «entcnced to 30 days in 
Occoquan workhouse. 





Bdha Drroir, Washin^on, D. C, daughter of physidant teaclvr In 
lublic schools. Arrested pidieting Aug., I91T, sentenced to 30 dAjt in 
'"^coquan workhouse. 

LAnwiA L. Dock, FByettevUIe, Pa, associated with the founders of 
American Red Crosa nursing servicei secretary of American Pcderatioo of 
Nurses end member of International Council of Nurses. Assisted in relief 
work during Johnstown Hood and during Flo. yellow fever epidemic; army 
DUrse during Spanish- American War, author of "The History of Nursing, 
"The Tuberculosis Nurse," and a number of other text boolts on nursing. 
One of early workers of Hcnrv St. Settlement in N. Y., and founder of 
visiting nurse movement in N. Y. On staff of American Journal of Nurs- 
ing. One of first sii pickets to serve prison sentence of 3 days in June, 
I91T. Later that summer she served 3S days In Occoquan; and in Nov. 

Mas. Maht Cabboli. Dowell, Philadelphia, Pa., wife of WilUani F. 
Dowcll. magazine editor and writer with whom she has been associated In 
business. Active club and .suffrage worker in Pa. and N. J., slate officer 
Pa. branch N.W.P. Arrested watchflre demonstration Jan. 30, 1919, and 
served 6 days in District JaiL 

Mart Diramow, Passaic, N. J.; student Univ. of N. T.; teacher in N. J. 

until she joined suiTrage ranks as organiier and speaker. Arrested watch- 
fire demonstration Jan. 6, 1910, sentenced to 10 days. 

JuuA Emobi, Baltimore, Md.; daughter of late state senator, D. H. 
Emory. Gave up work (or Trade Union League to worli for suffrage in 
1917. Sentenced to 30 days in Occoquan for picketing Nov., 1917. After 
her release became organiier N.W.P. Aug., 1918, arrested and sentenced to 
10 days Lafayette Sq. meeting. Jan. T, 1919, sentenced to 10 days, and 
later in that month to S days for walchlire demonstrations. Led Capitol 
picket Oct, and Nov., 1919, and suffered many injuries at hands of police. 

Mbs. EDMcwn C. Evans, Ardmore, Pa., one of three Winsor sisters who 
served prison terms for suffrage. Member of prominent Quaker family. 
Arrested watchflre demonstration Jan., 1919, and sentenced to 5 days tn 
District JaiL 

Ldct Bwtko, Chicago, 111., daughter of Judge Adl^ Ewing, niece of 
James Ewing, minister to Belgium under Cleveland; niece also of Adlal 
Stevenson, Vice-President under Cleveland. Officer III. Branch N.W.P. 
Arrested picketing Aug. 17, 1917, sentenced to 30 days in Occoquan work- 

Mas. EsTeLi.A Evlwabd, New Orleans, La, Business woman. Came to 
Washington to take part in final watchflre demonstration Feb., 1919; ar- 
rested and sentenced to 5 days in District JaiL 

Mabt GeaTiinni FruDALL, Baltimore. Md., graduate of Bryn Mawr Col- 
lege; campaifrned for N.W.P. in West ISIS; national treasurer of orgaiiiia- 
tion June, 19IT, to December, 1919. Arrested and sentenced to 3 days, Jon. 
1B19, for applauding in court. 


KATnkuiJE FiBHCm, WasMngton, D. C^ natiTe of Moss. Grest-KreAt- 
grand daughter of Artemas Warf, ranking Major General in Revolutionary 
War. Teacher, social worker and later employee of U. S. War Risk Bu- 
reau, Written prose and verse on suffra§ce and feminist topics. Arrested 
picketing Sept. 13, 1917, sentenced to 30 days 'at Occoquan worlihouse. 

Mai. Rose Gbatz FiaiinriH, Philadelphia. Pa., native of Russia. Came 
to America at IS. Had been imprisoned for revolutionary activities in 
Russia and fled to this country following release on bail. Operator in shirt 
factory; later union organUer; factory Inspector for N. Y. State Factory 
Commission. Feb. D, 1919 arrested watchflre demonstration and sentenced 
to B days in District JoiL 

Rosi FiSBSTEiM, Philadelphia, Pa., sisler-in-law of Mrs. Rose G. Fish- 
stein, bom in Russia, educated in N. Y. and Phila, Student of Temple 
Univ., business woman. Arrested watchfire demonstration, Feb., 1919, sen- 
tenced to S days in District Jail, 

Cathehine M. Fi^ufAOAH, Hartford, Conn., state and national organlter 
(or N.W.P.; formerly secretary for Conn. Woman Suffrage Association. 
Father came to this country as Irish exile because of his efforts in move- 
ment for Irish freedom. Arrested picketing August, 1917, sentenced to 
30 days in Occoquan woriihouse. 

Maitra Folet, Dorchester, Mass., active worker in Mass. labor move- 
ment. Arreted in demonstration at homecoming of President in Boston, 
Feb., 1919; sentenced to 8 days in Charles St. JaiL 

Mm. T. W. Fdbbes, Baltimore, Md., ofEeer of Just Govern 

Jamet FaTHEBiNaDAM, Buffalo. N. T., teacher of physical culture. Ar- 
rested picketing July 14, 191T, sentenced to 60 days in workhouse, but par- 
doned by President after 3 days. 

Maboakit FoTHiaiNonAH, Buffalo, N. Y., Red Cross dietician, stationed 
at mllitarv hospital at WayucsviUe, N, C. during war. Later dietician at 
Walter Reid Military Ho.^nital. W«shington, D. C. Arrested picketing 
Aug., 1917, sentenced to 60 days. 

FiAitcis Fofnxu, Brookline, Mass., sentenced to 6 days in Charles SL 
Jail for participation in demonstration of welcome to President, BostDiit 
Feb„ 1919, 

Mu. Matiloa Hau. Gahdnbb, Washington, D. C, formerly of Chicago, 
dau^ter of late Frederick Hall, for many years editor of Chicago Tribunt, 
and wife of Gilson Gardner, Washington representative of Scripps papers. 
Educated Chicago, Paris and BrusseLi, Associated with Alice Paul and 
Lucy Bums when they came to Washington to begin agitation for federal 
suffrage and member of national executive committee of N.W.P. since 191*. 
Arrested July It, 1917. sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan; Jan. 13, 1919, 
Kntcnced to i days in District JalL 



RiB« GoMBoiav, Philadelphia, Pa,; bom in Kiev, Russia. Educated in 
V. S. public schools; social worker; asslstaiit secretary and vi.sitor for Juve- 
nile Aid Society of Phila. President OfBee Workers' Association; cecretaTj 
of Penn. IndustriiU Section for Suffrage; member N.W.P., Trade Union 
league. Sentenced to 6 days in District Jail Jan„ 1919, for watchfine 

AucE Gram, Portland, Ore., graduate Univ. of Ore., came to Washing- 
ton to take part In piclict Nov. 10, 1917. Arrested and sentenced to M dafi 
In Occoquan workliouse. Following rcleaJic asswlant in press dept N.W.P. 

Bettt Gbau, Portland, Ore., graduate Unlr. of Ore. Abandoned stage 
career to take part in picket deiuonst ration of Nov. 10, 191T. Worker in 
Juvenile courts of Portland. Senlcncnl to 30 days In Occoquan work- 
house; later arrested In Boston detnon stmt ion of Fell., 1919, and sentenced 
to S days in Charles St. Jail. Business moanger of Tkt 8affra,gut nod 
national organizer for N.W.P. 

Nataur G»iT, CoL Springs, Col, daughter of treasurer Col. Branch 
N. W. P. Arrested picketing Aug. 17, I91T, sentenced to 30 days in Occo- 
quan workhouse. 

Mm. FtjiKCiB GaiEH, New York City, one of second group of women to 
serve prison sentences for suffrage in UiLs country. Served 3 days in Dis- 
trict Jail following picket demonat ration of July 4, 1917. 

Gladtb GsEiHEi, Baltimore, Md., daughter of John E. Grelner, oigl- 
neertng expert, member of Stevens Railway Commission to Russia in 19lT. 
Graduate of Forest Glen Seminary, Md.; did settlement worii in mountain 
districts of Ky.j has held tennis and gulf championships of Md.. and for 3 
years devoted all time to suffrage. Arrested pii^keting July 4, 1917, sentenced 
to 3 days in District Jail; arrested Oct. 90, 191T, sentenced to 30 days in 
District Jail; arrested Lafayette Sq. meeting Aug., 1818, sentenced to IS 
days in District JaiL Recently taken up work in labor movement. 

Mrs. J. Irvixo Gaogs. Boston,, charter member of Mass. Brandt 
N.W.P. Father and husband both fouj^t In Civil War. Arrested 5 timet 
Lnfayette Sq. meetings Aug., 1918, and sentenced to 15 days in District JaiL 
Arrested in Boston demonstration on Common following landing of Prc^- 
dent and sentenced to 8 days in Charles St. JaiL 

Rebecca Habbison, Joplin, Mo., arrested final watchflre demonstration 
Feb. 10, 1919; sentenced to 6 days in District JaiL 



Mm. H. O. HATXM«n», New York Qty; widow of Ute H. O. Hsve- 
mefcri leader of suffra^ aiovement for many years; one of its most elo- 
quent spcaltcrs, and (i^ritcrous contriliutor to its funds; active in Liberty 
Loan eampaigns, in the Land Armj movement of N. Y. State, and in 
workin([ for military rank for nurse!. As memlier of "Prison Special" 
spoke for suffrage in the larffe cities. Arrested Feb. 10, 1919, for taking 
part in linal watehiire demonstration; eentenivd to 5 days in District JftiL 

Kate HtrnLnsaiw, Sliomokin, Pa.; art student; sentenced to 6 months 
in DUtricl Jail for picketing Oct. 15, 1917; another month later added for 
previous offense. Aug., 1918, sentenced to 15 days for participating in La- 
fayette Sq. Dieeting; Jan., 1919, sentenced to 5 days for participation in 
watcbflre demonstration. 

Hu. Jessica HiNniisoN, BoKton, Mass., wife of prominent Bostoniaa, 
one of liberal leaders of Boston; identified with many reform movements. 
Mother of 6 children, one of whom, Wilma, aged 19, was arrested with her 
mother, spent night in house of detention, and was released as minor. Sen- 
tenced to e dnya in Charles St. Jail Feb., 1919, for parUcipation in Boston 
demonstration of welcome to President. 

MmKtB Hkkkest, Hartford, Conn.; business woman, having supported 
herself all her life; arrested for picketing Oct. 6. 1917, and sentence sus- 
pended. Rearrested Oct. 8, 1917, and sentenced to 6 months. 

Ah-hk Heruueb, Baltimore, Md., Child Labor inspector for U. S. Oiil- 
dren's Bureau. Arrested Feb., 1919, and sentenced to d days in District 
Jail for participating watchfire demonstration. 

ELaoc Hiu, Norwalk, Conn.j daughter of late Ebeneier J. Hill, tl fe«n 
Congressinan from Conn.; graduate Vassnr College and student abroad. 
Taught Frfnch in District of Columbia High School. Lately devoted all her 
time to suffrage. Member of executive committee of Congressional Union 
1914-1915; President D.C. Branch College Equal Suffrage League, and inter 
national organiser for N.W.P. Aug., 1918, sentenced to 15 davs in District 
Jail for speaking at Lafayette Sq. meeting. Feb., 1919. sentejiced to S days 
in Boston for participation in welcome demonstration to President 

SI«. Gkokor H:li, Boston, Mass.: sentenced to 8 days in Boston, Feb, 
1919, for participation in welcome to President. 

Moa. Floukce Batakd Hiexe*, Newcastle, Del; daughter of late Tbomu 
Bavard, first Amcricsu ambassador to CJreat Britain and secretary of state 
under Cleveland. Munitions worker during World War. After the war 
engaged in reconstruction work in France. Chairman Del. Branch N.W.P. 
and memlwr of national executive committee. Arrested picketing July tt, 
19IT, sentenced to 60 days In Occoquan workhouse^ pardoned by Prcaidcnl 
•fter 3 days. 

Mm. J. A. H. HopEiv* (AunoK TtunenLL), Morristown, N. J., state 
chairman N'.W.P., member executive committee N.W.P. 1917, and president 
and officer of various women's clubs. Her huiihand was leader Progressive 
Party and later supported President Wilson, serving on Democratic Na- 
tional Campaign Committee in I9Ifi. At present Cbsinoan Committae o( 




Mm. L. H. Hobnkbt, New York City, formerly of IIL, one of flrrt 
omen aviators in this country. Arrested for picketing Not, 10, 1917; sen- 
tcBced to 30 days in District JuL 

Blikabetii Hutf, Des Moioes, la.; came to Washington to work for war 
department during war; later with Red Cross. Sentenced to 6 days In jail, 
Jan., 1919, for watch Are demonstration. 

Eunice Hctt, Des Moines, la.; sister of Elizabeth; also engaged in war 
work in Washington. Sentenced to 3 days in jail Jan., 1919, for applaud- 
ing suffrage prisoners in court. 

Hazei. HuMKiNe, Billings, Mont.; graduate Vassar College; later In- 
atructor in Chemistry, Univ. of Mo. Joined suffrage movement as organitn 
for N.W.P. Later investigator for War Labor Board. Active in all picket- 
ing campaigns. Aug. 19It(, sentenced to 15 days for participation in La- 
fayette Sq. meeting. 

JnjA HumLBtrr, Morristown, N. J., vice ciiiumian N. J. Branch N.WJ. 
In 1916 assisted in Washington state campaign. Arrested picketing 
July 14, 1917, sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan workhouse; pardoned by 
President after 3 days. Engaged in war work in France during war. 

Mait IxaaAH, Philadelphia, Pa.; graduate Bryn Mawr College; Pa. 
chairman of N.W.P. ; secretary of National Progressive League 191i, Has 
held offices of vice president of Pa, Women','! Trade Union I.engue, director 
of Bureau of Municipal Research of Phila., tnemher of board of corporators 
of Woman's Medical College of Pa., where she wa.i former student. For 
several years manager woman's department of Bonbright and Co., Invest- 
ment brokers. Arrested for picketing July 14, 1917; sentenced to 60 dajf 
in Occoquan, pardoned by President after 3 days. 

, arrested picketing Ang., 19IT, 

pActA Jakobi, New York City; playwright, author of "Chinese Lily." 
Once matron of Frsmin^am reformatory for purpose of studying prison 
conditions. Arrested picketing Nov. 10, 1917, and sentenced to 30 days io 

Occoquan workhouse. 

Maud Jamison, Norfolk, Va.; came to Washington in 1916 as volun- 
teer worker of N.W.P. I^tcr became assistant in treasurer's department. 
Had been school teacher and business woman before joining N.W.P, Took 
active part in picketing from the beginning; one of first group arrestfH), 
June, 1917; served 3 days in District Jail; later served 30 days in District 
Jail; Oct., 1917, sentenced to 7 months. Released by Government after M 
days. Jan., 1919, served S days in jail for parMcipation in watchAre demon- 

Mas. Peoot Baibd JonHs, New York City, formerly of St. Louis, I _ 
paper woman and magar.ine writer. Sentenced to 30 days In Occoquui 
workhouse Aug., 1917; and 30 days in Nov., 1917, for picketing. 



Wnxn Gkace JoHXSOir, Shreveport, La., state officer, N.W.P. and 
prominent in civic work. Successful business woman. Arrested in final 
wstcbflre demonstration Feb., 1919. Sentenced to 5 days in District JaiL 

Akrr JcEMOLiiro, Buffalo, N. Y.; of Swiss and German ancestry. Grada- 
ated with honors from Univ. of N. Y. Has Lived in Porto Rico and North 
Carolina, in latter state doin^ educational work among mountaineers. At 
present engaged in Americaniiation work. Nov., 1917, sentenced to 30 daja 
In Occoquan workhouse for picketing. 

EuEABETH GaEEM' Kalb. Houston, Texas; graduate Rice Institute, 1916; 
Student Univ. Chicago. 1916. Won Carnegie Peace Prise in Texas state inter- 
coilegiate oratory contest in 1915. In 191S t>ecame active worker for 
N.W.P., taking part in Capitol picket. Arrested watchflre demonstration 
Jan., 1919, sentenced to S days in District Jail. In charge of literature and 
Lbrary dept of N.W.P, at national headquarters. 

RtioDA Kellooo. Minneapolis, Minn.; graduate Univ. of Minn, and Pre), 
of Univ. Equal Suffrage Club. Sentenced to 3i hours for applauding suf- 
frage prisoners In Court Jan., 1919, sentenced to 6 days in District Jail 

for participation In watchflre demonstration same month. 

Mis. FtmEiiCK W. KisDALL, Hamburg, N. Y.; wife of one of editors of 
Buffalo Express; writer, public speaker and cluh leader. Arrested for pick' 
eting, Aug., 1917, and sentenced to 30 days in Occoquan workhouse. 

Masib EvriT KENNEnT. Philadelphia, Pa.; formerly stale chairman 
N.W.P. Arrested Feb., 1919, in watchfire demonstration, sentenced to S 
dajs in jaiL 

Mas. Maioaxtt Wood KiMOxm, Denver, CoL; vice president Woman's 
Progressive Club of CoL Sept., 191T, sentenced to 30 days In Occoquan for 


AucE KiMBALi., New York City. Has been engaged in Y.W.C.A. work, 
BOd as librarian in N. Y. Public Library, and later as labor investigator- 
Sentenced to 15 days in District Jail for taking part in Lafayette Sq. 
meeting Aug. 10, IS18. 

Mas. Beattitce Kinkead, Montclair, N. J., active member of N.W.P. 
In N. J. Joined picket of July 14. 1917. Sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan, 
but pardoned by President after 3 days. 

Mis, RuBT G. KoEKTo, Hsrtford, Conn. Took part in Lafayette Sq. meet- 
ing of Aug., 1918. itnd suffered sprained arm from rough treatment by 
police. Arrested and sentenced to li days in District JaiL 

Hattie Krdoei, Buffalo. N. Y. Trained nurse; ran for Congress on 
Socialist ticket in 1918. Worker in Lighthouse Settlement. Philadelphia, 
and for time probation officer of .turenite Court of Buffalo. Nov. 10, 191T, 
Kntenced to 30 days in Occoquan workhouse for picketing. 

Di. AsKA KtTHv. Baltimore. Md., phyddui. Arrested picketing Nor, 
10, 1SIT. sentenced to 30 days. 




Mu. L^muKCB Lewis, PhilBtlHphia, Pa., metemal ancestixr of fi^ 
which took possession 1S60 Utid grnnt in Conn, from King, pntemal anot 
lor Michael Hlllepis who came Phila. 1737, a founder of Phils. AcadoQ 
Fuie Arts, Afisembly, cic. Son of Hillcgas wb3 first U. S. treasurer; sislo 
of Dr. Howard A. Kelly, wtll-ltnown surgeon, formerly professor Johm 
Hopkins Hospital, author of nianf medical book!!: sister of Mrs. R. B. P. 
Bradford, founder and Pre*, of Lighthouse Settlement, Pbila.; ntembo 
executive committee of N.W.P. since 1913; chairman of finance 1918: «* 
tlonal treasurer, 1919; diairman ratification committee 1990; activr in itiS 
■uffrage work manj years; served S days in jail for picketing July, 191*; 
arrested Nor. 10, 1917, sentenced to 60 dajs; arrested I.afayetter Sq. nwcb 
Ing, Aug., 191A, sentenced to IS days; arrested watchfire dcmonstraH 
Jan., 1919, sentenced to 5 days in jail. J 

Kathamnk LiNcotw, New York Citv. fornjerly of Philadelphia. 111 
working for Traveler's Aid when she came to picket Nov. 10, I91T. S» 
tenced to 30 days in Occoquan workhouse. Worked for N.W.P. for iCTO^ 
months; later campaigned for Anne Martin, candidate for U. S. Seub 
from Nev. 

Da. Sakak H, LocirHeT, Philadelphia, Pa.; graduate Woman's Uc£al 
College of Pa. Served as interne Woman's Hospital in Phila., and Uta 
bead of gynecological clinic of same hospital. Surgeon on West I^iili 
Hn.spital for Womtn and Children, Received degree of Fellow of Amcncu 
College of Surgery 1914. Chairman of her Cflngresslonal District for thi 
N.W.P. Aug., 1918, sentenced to IS days in District Jail for taking pul 
in Lafayette Sq. meeting. 

ElizABETn McSiiAHE, Philadelphia, 

., graduate Vassar College; pats 

dpal of school near Indianapolis, later business woman. Assisted ii 
health survey, working with the American Medical AssoeiatioD. Aug., 1 

sentenced to 15 days in jail for participation in Lafayette Sq. ' 

Jan., 1919, served 5 days for participating in watchfire "*" " " 
Member of "Prison Special" 1919, 

Mm. As* 

:. Wilmington, Del., o 

Jan., 1919, and sentenced to a days in District Jail. 

Maco Maiow*, New York City, librarian in N. Y, Lifelong suffrai^ 
arrested for picketing, Sept. 4, 1917, and served sentence of 60 d«ya at ~ ^^ 
quan workhouse. 

Asm Martin, Reno, Nev.; graduate Leland Stanford Univ.; stuAn 
In English Univs. Professor of history in Univ. of Nev, As Pres. of Net, 
Woman's Civic League led successful fight for state suffrage in 1914. SerWd 
as legislative chairman (or Congressional Union, and N.W.P. tuid member df 
executive committee. When N.W.P. was formed, in 19Iii, elected its dMlfe 
man. When it combined with C'lngressional Union, she became vice i 
man. In 1918 ran on independent ticket for U. S, Senate, July 14, 
sentenced to SO days at Occoquan workhouse for picketing, r ' 
President after 3 days. 


Mia. LomsE Paieek Mxrii. FrBmingham, Uctss., of Quaker descent. 
Taught school for five years before marriage to William 1. Mayo. grandAon 
of Chief Justice laane fnrker of Mass. Mather of T children. Arrested 
for picketing July 14, l!)lTi si'ntrneed to 60 days in Oecoquan workhouse; 
pardoned by President after 3 days. 

Nell Mz»ct%. Norfolk, Va.; member of Norfolk Branch, N.W.P. Busi- 
ness woman. Feb., 1919, sentenced to 5 days in District Jail for participa- 
tion in ftnal watehflre demons ration. 

ViDA MiLHOLLAND, Npw Vork Cilv I daughter of Mr. and Mrs. John E. 
Milbolland and sister of Inee Milholland Bolssetain. Student at Vassar 
where won athletic championships and dramulic honors. Studied singing 
here and abroad, but on death of sister gave up career of promise to devote 
herself to suffrage work. July *, 19IT, arrested and served S days in Dis- 
trict Jail for picketing. In 1919 toured the country with "Prison Special," 
singing at aD meetings. 

Mis. BeiTHA Motxea, Minneapolis, Minn., campaigned for state suffrage 
before joining N.W.P. Interested in industrial problems. Of 
descent, one of ancestors served on staff of Gustavus-Adalphus, and 9 
uncles arc now members of .Swedish parliament. She served 3 iail sentences, 
one of Si hours for applaudinff suffragists in court, and anolner of 9 days 
for participation in watchlire demonstration, Jan., 1919. 

Maitiia W. Moom:, Philadelphia, Pa., of Quaker ancestry, student at 
Swarthmore Colleges charter member of Congressional I'nion; has devoted 
herself to social service work. Children's Aid, Traveler's Aid, etc. Arrested 
and sentenced to S days in EMstrict Jai] Jan., I91S, for participation In 
watehflre demonstration. 

Mu. AoMEi H. Mour, Brookline. Mass., comes of line of Colonial an- 
cestors who lived in Concord. Following picket of Nov. 10, 1917, sentenced 
to 30 days at District Jail and Oecoiiuan. Chairman of Mots. Brunch 
N.W.P., of whirh she was one of founders, and member of Nalionat Ad- 
visory Council N.W.P. Member of "Suflrage Special" of 1916, and m 
gifted speaker and organiser. 

KATnAKtMi! A. Moutr, Brookline, Mass., dau^ter of Mrs. A. H. Moreyt 
also officer Stale Branch N.W.P. Organlier election campaign I91B in 
Kansas and has many times assisted at national headquarters. One of first 
group pickets sentenced, served 3 days, June, 1917; Feb., 1919, arrested 
In Boston demonstration of welcome to President and sentenced to 8 day) 
in Charles St. JalL 

MiLDim Mouii, Denver. Col., well-known newspaper woman of DenTcr. 
Came to Washington for Bureau of Public Information during war. Later 
Investigator for War Labor Board. Now Washington corrp.ipondent Inter- 
national News Service. In Jan., 1919, served 5 day sentence in District Jail 
for lighting watcfaflre. 




Gra-nnx MinrtiT, MlnneapoliK, Minn., superintendent of miuic bi 
Minn, public schools. Jon.. 1919, served Si-hour sentence for applauding 
suffragists in court. Laler served 5 days in District Jail for participatioD 
In watchflredemonslralion. 

Mu. Mait a. Nolan, Jacksonville, Pla., bom in Va.; descended from 
family of Duffy, Cavan, Ireland. Educated at convent of Mont da 
Chantal in W. Va. As young woman was teacher and leader in Southern 
library movement. SuffrsKc pioneer: prominent in Confederate organiEa- 
tions of South. In 1917 joined N.W.P., came to Washington to picket Ar- 
rested Nov. 10, 1917, sentenced to 6 days in District Jail, but sent to Occo- 
qnan workhouse. January, 1919, arrested many times in watchflre demon- 
strations] sentenced to 9i hours in Jail. Oldest suffrage prisoner. 

Alicb Paul, Moorcstown, N. J. English Quaker ancestor imprisoned 
for Quaker beliefs died in English prison; born of Quaker parentage and 
brou^t up in this smalt Quaker town. Received her A.B. degree from 
Swarthmore College, and her M.A. and Ph.D. from Univ. of Pa. Gradual* 
of N. Y. School of PhUantiiropy, and studied at Universities of London 
and Birmingham, specialising in economics and sociology, ^^'hile in Eng- 
land took part in militant campaign under Mrs. Psnkhurst. On return to 
America, she was appointed chairman in 1913 of the Congressional Com- 
mittee of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Founded 
Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage; made chairman. When this be- 
came an independent orgnniEotion reappointed chairman. When it merged 
with the N.W.P. in 1917, she was chosen chairman of the combined oTganiaa- 
tions, and has continued in this office to the present date. Has served 8 
prison terms for suffrage, 3 in England and 3 In United States. In Oct, 
1919, she was sentenced to 7 months for picketing and served S weeks before 
released on account of hunger strike. While in jail suffered the severest 
treatment inflicted upon any suffrage prisoner. In Aug., 1918, aenteoced 
to 10 days for participation in Lafayette Sq. meeting. In Jan., I91B. aat- 
tenced to 5 days for Lghtlng a watdifire. 

Brkit Pottier, Boston, Mass., of French descent; art student; partici- 
pated in Boston demonstration at home-coming of President, and scateoced 
to a days in Charles St. JaiL 

Mas. R. B. QoAT, Salt Lake City, Utah; arrested in Nov. 10, 19!T, 
picket; sentenced to 30 days in Dlslrtct Jail, but sent to Occoquau work- 
Mis. Betsy Retheact, Detroit, Mich., wife of Paul Reyneaaj portrait 
painter. Arrested picketing July 14, 191T. Sentenced to 60 days in Oc- 
coquan, but pardoned by the President after 3 days. 

Mis. C. T. RoBEtTSoH, Salt Lake City, Utah; active worker for rcfomu I 

~N affecting women. Arrested in Nov. 10, 191T, picket; sentenced to SO day* ] 

la District Jail, but sent to Occoquan workhouse. J 

APPEjTDix 4 ser 

Mu. GeotoK E. Roewei, Belmont, Mass., gradante of Rsdclilfe, artiTe 
suffragist since college davs; nifc of well known BttDrnef of Boston and 
granddaugfttfr of prominenl figures in German Revolulion of 1848 who 
were cxiltd to the United States. Sentenced to 8 days in Boston Charia 
St. Jail following participation in welcome demons I ration to tlie Presi- 
dent, Feb. 1919. 

Hu. John Rooeu, Ja^ New York Citf, wife of Dr. John Rogers, 
Jr., celebrated thyroid expert, is a descendant of Roger Sherman, signer 
of the Declaration of Independence. A pioneer worker for stale suffrage 
before taking up national work. Before entering suffrage movrment active 
In improving condition."! in New York public schools. Chairman Advisory 
Council of the N.W.P., and one of the moat forceful speakers fa tM 
suffrage ranks. In ItlI6 and 1919 as member of "Suffrage Special" and 
"Prison Special" toured tlie country speaking for suffrage. July It, 191T, 
sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan worichouse for picketing, but was par- 
doned by the President after 3 days. 

HABonsarTE Robsttte, Baltimore, Md., young artist, and niece of Dr. 
Joshua Rossette, well known snclal worker. Took part in N.W.P. demon- 
strations, served A Aays in District Jail for participation In final watcMre 
demonstration, Feb., 1919. 

Mm. EtisK T. Rdbsuk, Detroit, Mich., bom in Constantinople of Ar- 
menian parenlage. Educated in this country. Taught school in Mass. 
unlil marriage. Stale officer N.W.P. Senlenccd to S days in Dislrict 
Jail for participation in Jan.. 1919, watchflre demonstration; and S days 
in Boston in the Charles St. Jail for participation in welcome dnaon- 
stration to President in Feb., I9I9. 

Nijja SucABODiN, bom In Kiev, Russia, graduate of Kiev University. 
In 1914 came to America on visit, but entered Industrial fight, becoming, 
Brst, worker and then union organiser. Teacher Rand School of Social 
Science, New York. Sentenced to 30 days in Occoquan for picketing 
September, 1917. 

Mai. Phocbe Peuohs Sconr, Morristown, New Jersey, graduate of 
Smith Cotlirge where she specialised In biology and botany. Did seltleoient 
work at New York Henry St. Settlement. Worked for stale suffrage before 

f'nining N.W.P. and becoming one of its officers. Sentenced to 30 dayt 
1 Diatrid Jail for picketing Nov. 10, 191T, but sent to Occoquan workhouse; 

BtLUt StfEiHueao, New York City; of Rus.tian descent; student of New 
York Univ., who left her studlen to picket fn Washington Nov. 10, 191T. 
Sentenced to 30 days In Occoquan workhouse. 

Mis. Lccillb SmcLnt, Araarlllo, Texas. Picketed regularly during 
191T. July 4. 1917. served 3 days In Dhtrict Joll for picketing; served 
S days Jnn. IS, 1919, for participation in walchfire demonstration. Soon 
after release sentenced to 3 days for applauding suffrage prisoners tB 



Hu. Maitba Rirni Sroekaxeb, Philiiddphfa, Pa., gradnate at Vantr 
Colle^. Served fi dnys in District Jail for participation in floal watcbSrt 
demonstration of Feb. 9, 1919. 

Mrs. Lou Waueh Shaw, Uancb«stef, N. H., student of Vusar and 
Radclifle, mother of six children. Wife of V. P. and Genera] Manftgcr 
McElwain Shoe Co.. N. H., chairmBn N.W.P. Sentenced to 9 days in 
CKarlrs St. Jail after participation In Boston demonstration to welcome 
President Feb., 10)9. 

Rdth Small, Boston, Hasa., participant in BCTCral state sufFrage cam- 
paifnis before taking up national work. In charge of Boston tieadquartcn 
of N.WlP. for a time. For taking part in Boston demonstration on the 
return of the President in Feb., 1919, sentenced to 8 dara in Charles St 

D«. Caroukx E. Spkncri, Colorado Sprfnga, CoL, formerly of Phila- 
delphia. Secretary CoL Branch, N.W.P. Graduate Woman's Medical 
College of Pa. October 90, 1917, arrested for piclieling and sentenced to 
7 months* imprUomnent. For participating in watchflre demonstration Jan- 
13, 1919, sentenced to 5 days in District Jail. 

Mta. Kate SrAFroim, Oldahoma City, Ofcla,, active worker tot refomu 
affecting women and children in Iter own stat«. Mother of six children. 
Picketed Nov. 10, 1917, and was sentenced to 30 days in District JaE 

DoBis Stetehs, Omaha, Neb., now resident New York City. Gradustc 
of Oberlin College; social worker and teacher; organiced and spoke for 
state suffrage campaigns in Ohio and Micliigan; .joined Congressional L'ninn 
In 1913. Organixed first Convention of women voters at Panama PaclUe El- 
positlon in 19IS; managed 1916 election campaign in Cnl. for N.W.P. 
Has acted successively as enecutive secretary, organizer, legislative chair- 
man, political chainnan. and executive committee member of N.W.P. 
Arrested for picketing July 14, 1917; sentenced to 60 days in Occoqau> 
workhouse; pardoned by President after 3 days. Arrested N. Y. Mar., 1919, 
picket demonstration Metropolitan Opera House, but not soitcnccd. 

Bi.uABETH Stctvehant, Ncw Yofk City, formerly of Cincinnati; dannt 
by profession; ai'tlve in settlement work and In campaign for birth-contnl 
July \, 1917, arrested fur picketing and sentoiced to 3 days in District 

Elsie Unteilman, Chicago, 111., social worker who took wed^s Taoitko 
fn January, 1!'19, to come to Wo-shin^^on to picket. She served 3 dayi " 
District Jail for applauding suffragists in court. 


Mabel VeEsow, Wilmington. Del.. Secretary N.W.P., graduate Swarib- 
more College. Fellow student with Alice Paul. Gave up position as hi|* 
school teacher when Congressional Union was founded to become organ!** 
and speaker. With remnrkablc gifts as a speaker, has addressed larff 
meetings in every part of the country. As liriliiant orgaitixer has liw 
charge of many important organisation tasks of N.W.P. OrganlK^ 

the transcontinenlal trip of voting enroys to the President. Campaigned 
in Nev. 1914 and 1916. Became naUonal organiiution chairman N.W.P. 
Organized the Wa^ngton picket line for several months. One of the 
first six women lo serve prison sentence for suffrage in District JaiL For 
picketing June, 1917, served 3 dsjs. 

Mm. Euie Vbitine, Bridgeport, Conn., munitionj worker and President 
of Woman's Mnchiniat Union of Bridgeport. In Jan., 1919, came to Wash- 
ington with group of union women and took part in watchflre demonstra- 
tion: arrested nnd served 5 dnfs in District Jail. 

Ian CAutEiBBAD [nmv wife of John Brisben Walker], Marjsvlllc, 
Kansim, now re.iidcnt of Denver. Colo., daughter of former- Rep resent a live 
Caiderhead of Kansaa. Graduate of Univ. of Kansas and sludent at 
Bryn Mnwr. Ahandoned school teaching to work for suffrage; iiecame 
organizer and speaker for N.W.P. July 4, 1917, arrested for piclieting 
and served 3 days in District JaiL 

Mm. Rohebt Walbh, Baltimore, Md.. officer Md. Branch N.W.P. __ 
Quaker and graduate of Swarthmore Collegr; wife of a captain in the Iste 
war and mother of S children. Arrested July U, I91T. for picketing and 
sentenced to 60 days in Occoquan workhouse. Pardoned by President after 

Mu. BcarBA WAiMtixr, Kansas City, Mo., holding government poaition 
at time arrested for applauding suffragists in court; served 3 days In 
District Jail. 

Maa. WiLUAX Upton Waivon, Chicago, IIL, treasurer state branch, 
N.W.P. Sentenced to 30 days Oceoquan worlchouse for picketing Aug. IT, 
191T. Aug., 1918, sentenced to 5 days tar participation in Lafayette 
Sq. meeting. 

Mis. C. Weavei, Bridgeport, Conn., worked during war in munitions 
factory. Came to Washington for wslchfire demonstration of Jan. IS, 
1919; arrested and sentenced to 5 days in District Jail. 

Eva Weaveb, Bridgeport, Conn., daughter of Mrs. C. Weaver, also 
worlied in munitions factory; arrested with mother Jan. 13, 1919, and sored 
dafs In District Jaii 

M«s. HiuNA HiLi. Weed, Norwalk, Conn,, graduate of Vassar and Mon- 
tana School of Mines. One of few qualilied women geologists of country. 
Dau^ter of late Congressman Kl)eitexer Hill, .^t one time »lce-p resident 
general of D.A.R. Prominent memher of Congressional Union and N.W.P. 
from early days. One of first piekets arretted, July 4, 1917; served 3 
days in District Jail. Aug., 1918, arrested for participation in Lafayette 
Sq. meeting: sentenced to IS days. Jan., 1918, sentenced to 04 hours for 
applauding in court. 






of Kew Yoric; hdped organiH Oliver Hcraon Atetier in Paris; exhlbEted 
Paris Salon. Arresled for picketing Nov. 10, 1917; senteDced lo 30 days 
tu DJBtrirt JaiL Member of "Prison Spedal" 1919. 

Camiu.* Wnrrcone, WorrMtcr, Mass., rhairman 4th CongressioDal Dis- 
trict Mass. N.W.P, Nov. 10, 1917, scnienccd la 30 days in jaU for pickeUng. 

Scz White, Jackson, Tcnn., state chairman N.W.P. ; rEcently edited Tht 
Bafraffitt; organiicr and research chairman. Belongs to prominrnt pioneer 
families of Tenn. and Kj. and is descendant of Marshall and Jefferson 
families of Va. Court and convention reporter for ten jcara; I91B ap- 
pointed by Governor. Secretary of Tenn. State Commission for the Blind. 
Identified wflh U.D.C- and D.A.R., the Federation of Women's Quhs and 
Parent Teachers' Association. Has done niucb to organize suffrage senti- 
ment in her state. Feb. 9, 1919. arre.sled and served & days in District Jail 
for pariicipating in (tnal walchfirc demonstration. 

Maroabtt Fat Whittemobe, Detroit, Mich. Her grandmother, a Qua- 
ker, started suffrage work in Michigan. Dnughler of one of leading patcol 
attorneys of country. N.W.P. organiser since 1914. Imprisoned 3 days for 
picketing July 4, 19IT. Jan., I9I9, served 94 hours in jail for applauding In 

Mu. Haii-ev W. WiLzr, Washington, D. C, daughter of General Keltoo, 
and wife of Dr. Harvey Wiley, food expert and e:t-direclor of the pure 
food department of U. S. Government. Member of national advisory coun- 
cU of N.W.P. Has done lobbying, political work and picketing for N.W.P. 
Nov. 10, 1917, sentenced to 15 days in District Jail; appealed her case; later 
sustained by higher court. 

Roax WiHBLow, New York City, bom In Poland and brought to this 
country when child. Began work at age of It in Philadelphia; for many 
years worked in hosiery factory in Pittsburg; later employed in shop io 
Philadelphia. Recently has won success as an actress. Hbg brilliant gifti; 
1916 spoke througliout West in suffrage campaign of N.W.P. Oct, IS, 
1917, sentenced to 7 months in District Jail for picketing. 

Mait Wrasoa, Havertord, Pa.; comes of family of pioneer Quokcr dp- 
scent. Educated at Drexcl Institute of Philadelphia, at Bryn Mawr ajtd 
abroad. At requeiit of American Academy of Political and Social Science 
made survey of English suffrage movement. Founder and Pres. of Pa. 
Limited Suffrage Society. Sept., 19IT, sentenced to 60 days at Occoquao 
workhouse for picketing. Later sentenced to 10 days for participation in 
Lafayette Sq. meeting. Has worked and spoken for suffrage In many part) 
of the country. Member "Prison Special" Feb, 1919. 

Ellew WiNSoa, Haverford, Pa., sister of Mary Winsor and of Mn. 
Edmund C. Evans, both of whom served prison sentences. Jan., I9I9, sen- 
tenced to 5 days in District Jail for participation in watchflre demon- 

Mas, Katb WisTTOB, Chevy Chase, Md., wife of Prof. A. P. Winston, 
formerly Professor of economics at Univ. of Col. ami at Univ. of Tokia 
Jan., 1S19, arrested and sentenced to 5 days in District Jait for participation 
in watchflre demonstration. 


Claka Wout, Portland. Ore., newspaper writer. Of Norwepan parent- 
age ; her family closely related to Henrik Ibsen. Graduate of Univ. of Ore. 
Took part in I-afayette Sq. meeting of Aug., 1916; Gentenced to 15 days. 
Jan., 1919, arrested for participalion in watchfire dcmonstraticra and sen- 
tenced to 5 days. For several months acted as editor of Th§ Suffragiit. 

Jor YoCHo, New York City, fDrmerlf of Woshinpton, D. C, wife of 
Merrill Rogers. Former ossLstant on The Svffraffiit and Inter organiMr for 
K.W.P. in rarious parts of tlie country. Served 3 days in District Jail for 
picketing July 4, 1917. 

Matilda Yovko, Washington, D. C, sister of Joy Youngi has devoted 
all her time to suffrage for several years. Youngest picket arrested, being 
19 fears old when .she first served a prison term. For picketing Nov. 1^ 
1917, sentenced to 15 days in District Jail; served two terms in jail in Jan^ 
1919; 5 days for watchfire demonstration ^ 3 days for applauding suffrage 
prisoners in court. 




EzBCCnrE Cokkitteb 19t3 
HIM Alice Paul, N. J., Chairman 
MUs Lucy Burns, N. Y., Vicc'CliBirmaii 
Mrs. Mary R. Beard, N. Y. 
Miss Crj-stal Eashnan, N. Y. 
Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Pa, 


CoMUtTT£E 1914 

Miss Alice Paul, N. J.. Chairman 

Miss Lucy Burns, N. V., Vice-chainnan 

Mrs. Maiy R. Beard, N. Y. 

Mrs, O. H. P. Belmont, N. Y. 

Miss Crystal Eastman, N. Y. 

Mrs. Giison Gardner, D. C. 

Miss EUie Hill, Conn. 

Mrs. William Kent, Cal. 

Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Pa, 


Miss Alice Paul, N. J., Chairman 

Miss Lucy Burns, N. Y., Vice-chairman 

Mrs. Mary R. Beard, N. Y. 

Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, N. Y. 

Miss Crystal Eastman, N. Y. 

Mrs. Giison Gardner, D. C 

Miss Elsie Hill, Conn. 

Mrs. Donald R. Honker, Md. 

Mrs. William Kent, Cal. 

Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Pa. 




Mas Alice Paul, N. J., Chairman 

Miss Lucy Burns, N. Y., Vice-chairman 


Mr*. O. H. P. Belrnont. N. Y. 
Mrs. John Wiotcrs Brannan, N. T. 
yfn. Ciilson Gardner, D. C. 
I I Mrs. Donald R. Hooker. Md. 
Mrs. William Kent, Cal. 
Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Pa. 
MisB Anne Martin, Nevada 
Mrs. Harriot Stanton Bktch, N, T. 

Woman's Pxstv (Formed Jttns, 1916) 
ExECcnvB CoilMriTEE 
Miss Anne Martin, Nev., Chairman 
Mrs. Phoebe Hearat, CuI., Isl Vice-chairman 
Judgie Mary M. Bartelrae, HI., and Vice-chaiiman 
Miss Mabel Vernon, Ncv.. SecreUry 
Miss Alice Paul, N. J., ex-offido 

N Allow AL WoMAs'a Pattt 
{After Amalgamalioa of Congrtelional Viutm and Woman't Party) 


ExicimyE CoMJlimB 1917 
MUs Alice Paul, N. J., Chairman 
Miss Anne Martin, Nev., Vice-chainnaa 
Miss Mabel Vcmon, Del., Secretary 
Misa Gertrude L. Crocker, III., TreosuKr 
Mrs. Abby Scott Baker, D. C 
Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, N. Y. 
Mrs. John Winters Brannan, N. Y. 
Miss Lucy Bums, N. Y. 
Mrs, Gilson Gardner, D. C. 
Mrs. Florence Bayard Hilles, Del. 
Mrs. Donald R. Hotter, Md. 
Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins, N. J. 
Mrs. William Kent, Cal. 
Mrs. Lawrence I.ewis, Fa. 
Miss Doris Stevens, N. Y. 
MiM Maud Younger, Cal. 

Exictmvi CoMMimti 1918 
Miss Alice Paul, N. J., Chairman 
Miss Anne MarHn. Ncv., Vice-chairman 
Miss Mabel Vernon, Del., Secretary 
Miss Mary Gertrude Fendall, Md., Treamc* 
Mrs. Abby Scott Baker, D, C. 
Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, N', Y. 
Mrs. John WiiiUrs Brannan. N, Y. 
Miss Lucy Bums. N. Y. 
Mrs. GiJson Gardner. D. C. 
Mrs. Thomas N. Hepburn, Conn. 
Mrs. Florence Bayard Hillei, Del 



Mrt. BoDild R. Hooker, Md. 
Mrs. Lmwttaee Lewii, Fa. 
IfiM Dorit StefCDf, N. Y. 
Wis Maod Tounfcr, CaL 

BMMvvnn OnouRn 1919-lMO 

Miss AUse Pttd, N. J., Chairman 
Miss MaM Vemoiiy IkL, Seeretaiy 
Miss Maiy Gertmde Fendall, Md^ Tkcasnnr 
Mrs. Ab^ Scott Baker, D. C 
Mrs. O. H. P. Bdmoiit, N. T. 
Mrs. John Winters Brannan, N. T. 
- Miss Lucy- Bums, N. T. 
Mrs. CaisoB Gardner, D. C 
. Mrs. Thomas N. Hepbam, Conn. 
Mrs. Florence Bayard HlUes, DcL 
Mrs. Donald R. Hooker, Md. 
Mrs. Henry a Leach, N. Y. 
Mrs. Lawmoe .Leids, Pa. 
Miss Doris Stevens. N. Y. 
Mrs. lUdiard Wafannltht, D. & 
Miss Maud Younger, (SiL 


Jamet Bryce: ^ 

"Perhaps we may say that whenever the moral judgment of 
the community at large does not brand an offence aa sordid 
and degrading, and does not feel the offence to be one which 
destroys its respect for the personal character of the prisoner, 
it may there be held that prison treatment ought to be different 
from that awarded to ordinary criminals." 
George Sigerson:* 

"Men may differ, in thought and deed, on many questions 
without moral guilt. Forms of government and measures re- 
lating to the welfare and organization of society have been, in 
all ages and countries, questions on which men have entertained 
divergent convictions, and asserted their sincerity by conflict- 
ing action, often at grave personal sacrifice and the loss of life. 
On the other hand, all people are agreed in condemning certain 
acts, stigmatized as crimes, which offend against the well-being 
of the indindual or the community. 

"Hence, civilized states distinguish between actions con- 
cerning which good men may reasonably differ, and actions 

'JiuDcs Bryce made this distinction In lfW9 between the two kinds of 
oITcnders. Leiter Introductory to "PoiiUcal Prisoner at Hotue and 
AliKwd," Sigcrson. 

* "Political Prisoners at Home and Abroad." 


which all good men condemn. The latter, if permitted to pre- 
vail, would disintegrate and destroy the social life of mankind; 
the former, if successful, would simply reorganize it, on a 
different basis. . . . The objects may, in one generation, be 
branded as crimes, whilst in the next those who fail to make 
them triumph and suffered' as malefactors are exalted as 
patriot martyrs, and their principles incorporated amongst 
the foundation principles of the country's constitution. 

"Attempts to effect changes by methods beyond the conven- 
tions wliich have the sanction of the majority of a community, 
may be rash and blameworthy sometimes, but they are not 
necessarily dishonorable, and may even occasionally be obliga- 
tory on conscience." 

As to the incumbency upon a government to differentiate 
in punishments inflicted upon these two classes of offenders, be 
further says : "When a Government exercises its punitive power, 
it should, in awarding sentence, distinguish between the two 
classes of offenders. To confound in a common degradation 
those who violate the moral law by acts which all men condemn) 
and those who offend against the established order of society 
by acts of which many men approve, and for objects which 
may sometime be accepted as integral parts of established 
order, is manifestly wrong in principle. It places a Government 
morally in the wrong in the eyes of masses of the population, a 
thing to be sedulously guarded against." 
George Clemenceau: ' 

"Theoretically a crime conunitted in the interest of the 
criminal is a common law crime, while an offense committed in 
the public interest is a political crime." He says further, 
"That an act isolated from the circumstances under which it 
was committed . . . may have the appearance of a common 

* Clemenceau in a. speech before the French Chamher of Deputies, May 
16th, 1876. advocating Hmnesty tor those who partiHpntod in the CoDUnuM 
of 1671. Prom the Annala de la Chanibre (ks Ekputies, IBT6, v. 3, pp. 4 ' 

L Of 1871. 




law crime . . . while viewed in connection with the circuiD' 
stances under which it is committed (in connection with a 
movement) ... it may tale on a political character." 
Maurice Parmelee: ^ 

"Common crimes are acts contrary to the law committed 
in the interest of the individual criminal or of those personally 
related to the criminal. Political crimes are acts contrary to 
the law committed against an existing government or form of 
government in the interest of another government or form of 

"Furthermore, there arc other ofFenses against the law 
which are not common crimes, and yet are not political crimes 
in the usual criminological sense 

"Among these crimes, which are broader than the ordinary 
political crimes, are ofTenses in defense of the right to freedom 
of thouglit and belief, in defense of the right to express one's 
self in words in free speech, , . . and many illegal acts com- 
mitted by conscientious objectors to the payment of taxes or 
to military ser%ice, the ofFenses of laborers in strikes and other 
labor disturbances, the violations of law committed by those 
who are trying to bring about changes in the relations between 
the sexes, etc. 

"Common crimes are almost invariably anti-social in their 
nature, while ofTenses which are directly or indirectly political 
are usually social in their intent, and are frequently twneficial 
to society in their ultimate effect. We are, therefore, justified 
in calling them social crimes, as contrasted with the anti-social 

'"Criminology" by Maurice Parawlee. Chap. XXVIII. Author also of 
"Povertr and Social Progress," "The Science of Human Behavior." "The 
Princlnles of Anthropoloay and Sncioing}- in Uieir relation to Criminal 
Procedure." During the late war Dr. ParmcIce was a Representative of 
the V. S. War Trade Board .slntlonrd at the American Embassy, London; 
economic advisor to the State Department, and Chairman of the Allied 
Rationing Conunittee which admiaialered tlie German Blockade. 


Treatment Accorded Political pRtsoNERa Abroad 

^^^^ It is interesting to note what other countries hsre done 

i^^^p toward handling intelligently the problem of political offenders. 
!^^| Russia was probably the first country in modern history to 

r recognize political prisoners as a class, ^ although the treat- 

ment of different groups and individuals varied widely. 

E First of all, the political offender was recognized as a 

"political" not by law, but by custom. Wlien sure of a verdict 
of guilty, either through damaging evidence or a packed JUFT, 
the offender was tried. When it was impossible to commit him 
to trial because there were no proofs against him, "Administra- 
tive Exile" was resorted to. These judgments or Administra- 
tive orders to exile were pronounced in secret on political 
offenders; one member of the family of the defendant was ad- 
mitted to the trial under the law of 1881. Those exiled by Ad- 
I ministrative order were transported in cars, but stopped en 

k route at the etapes, political prisoners along with common law 

^^^L convicts. Since 1866 politicals condemned by the courts to 
^^^H hard labor or to exile, journeyed on foot with common law 
^^^H convicts.^ 

^^^H There were no hospitals for political exiles; doctors and 
^^^B Burgeons among the exiled helped their sick comrades. 
^^^^ Families were permitted to follow the loved ones into exile, 

if they chose. For example, wives were allowed to stay at 
Lower Kara, and visit their husbands in the prison in Middle 
I Kara twice a week and to bring them books. 

When criminal convicts were freed in Siberia after serving 

a given sentence at hard labor, they received an aUotment ot 

land and agricultural implements for purposes of sustenance, 

and after two years the government troubled no more about 

'Siberia received its first ailts |noD-confonnist5] in the ITlh Centuiy. 


them. They became settlers in some province of Southern 
Siberia, With political exiles it was quite different. When 
they had finished a seven, ten, or twelve year sentence, they 
were not liberated but transferred to the timdras within the 
AiMlic Circle. 

Fancy a young girl student exiled to a village numbering 
a hundred houses, with the government allowance of 8 to 10 
shillings a month to live on. Occupations were closed to her, 
and there was no opportunity to learn a trade. She was for- 
bidden to leave the town even for a few hours. The villagers 
were for the most part in fear of being suspected if seen to 
greet politicals in the street. 

"Without dress, without shoes, living in the nastiest huts, 
without any occupation, they [the exiles] were mostly dying 
from consumption," said the Golot of February 8, 1881. They 
lived in constant fear of starvation. And the Government al- 
lowance was withdrawn if it became known that an exile re- 
ceived any monetary assistance from family or friends. 

Those politicals condemned to hard labor in Siberia worked 
mostly in gold mines for three months out of twelve, during 
which period meat was added to their diet. Otherwise black 
bread was the main food of the diet. 

When held in prisons awaiting trial or convicted and await- 
ing transfer into exile, politicals did no work whatever. "Hieir 
only occupation was reading. Common criminals had to work 
in prison as well as in Siberia. 

In tlie fortress of Sts. Peter and Paul,* Kropotkin was 
lodged in a cell big enough to shelter a big fortress gun (25 
feet on the diagonal). The walls and floor were lined with felt 
to prevent communication with others. "The silence in these 
felt-covered cells is that of a grave," wrote Kropotkin. , . . 
"Here I wrote my two volumes on Tlie Glacial Period." Here 

' In the Tnibeskai bastion, one building in the fortrtss. 


'See MenuiiTt of a RfvohilionUt , Kropotkin, 
•Another section of Sts. Peter and Pnul Fortress. 

•Adopted by tlie 5th All-Russiaii ConKress of Soriets, July 10, I9I8. 
Beprinted from T\e Nation, JaDuary 4, 191». 
•Article 3, Chapter 9 ... 49 q. 

r 1 


ho also prepared maps and drawings. This privilege was 
only granted to him, however, after a strong movement amongst 
influential circles compelled it from the Czar.' The Geo- 
graphical Society for whom he was writing his thesis also made 
many pleas on his behalf. He was allowed to buy tobacco, 
writing paper and to have books — but no extra food, 

Kropotkin says that political prisoners were not subjected 
io corporal punishment, through official fear of bloodshed. 
But he must mean by corporal punishment actual beatings, for 
he says also, "The black holes, the chains, the riveting to bai^ 
rows are usual punishments." And some politicals were al- 
leged to have been put in oublieltei in the Alexis Raveliu * 
which must have been the worst feature of all tlie tortures. 
This meant immurement alive in cells, in a remote spot wfaer« 
no contact with others was possible, and where the prisoner 
would often be chained or riveted for years. 

More recently there was some mitigation of the worst fea- 
tures of the prison regime and some additional privileges were 
extended to politicals. 

All this applied to old Russia, There is no documentary 
proof available yet, as to how Soviet Russia treats its offenders 
against the present government. The Constitution of the Rus- 
sian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic * does, not provide a 
status for political prisoners, but it does provide for their re- 
lease. It specifically deals with amnesty which is proof of 
the importance with which it regards the question of political 
offenders. It says: "The All-Russian Central Executive Com- 
mittee deal with questions of state such as . , . the Hg^t to 
declare individual and general amnesty." ' 

France has had perhaps the most enlightened attitude of 
all the nations toward political offenders. She absolutely 



guarantees special treatment, by special regulations, and does 
not leave it to the discretion of changing govemmentB, 

On August 7, ISSi, Thiers, in a ministerial circular, laid 
down the fundamental principles upon which France has acted. 
The only obligation upon the defendant, according to this 
circular, was to prove the political nature of the offense, — 
"that it should be demonstrated and incontestable that they 
have acted under the influence of their opinions." ' Theirs 
advocated superior diet for political prisoners and no work. 

His edict was followed by special regulations issued for 
politicals under the Empire, February 9th, 1867, through M. 
Pietri, Prefect of the Seine. These regulations, illustrative of 
the care France exercised at an early date over her politicals, 
defined the housing conditions, diet, intercourse with comrades 
inside the prison and with family and friends from the outside. 
Their privacy was carefully guarded. No curious visitor was 
allowed to see a political unless the latter so desired, 

Kropotkin wrote ^ of his incarceration in Clairvaux prison 
in 1883, to which he and twenty-two others were transferred 
from Lyons after being prosecuted for belonging to the Inter- 
national VVorkingmcn's Association: "In France, it is generally 
understood that for political prisoners the loss of liberty and 
the forced inactivity are in themselves so hard that there is no 
need to inflict additional hardships." 

In Clairvaux he and his coi^rades were given quarters in 
spacious rooms, not in cells. Kropotkin and Emile Gautier, 
the French anarchist, were given a separate room for literary 
work and the Academy of Sciences olTered them the use of its 

There was no intercourse with common law prisoners. The 
politicals were allowed to wear their own clothes, to smoke, to 
buy food and wine from the prison canteen or have it brought 

'Sifftrttm, PoHtieat PHiontn at Botn4t imd Abroad, p. SO. 
'Mtmoirt of a Bavolittonul, Kropotkin. 



in ; they were free of compulsory work, but might, if they chose, 
do light work for which they were paid. Kropotkin mentions 
the extreme cleanliness of the prison and the "excellent quality" 
of the prison food. 

Their windows looked down apon a little garden and also 
commanded a beautiful view of the surrounding country. They 
played nine-pins in the yard and made a vegetable and flower 
garden on the surface of the building's wall. For other forms 
of recreation, they were allowed to organize themselves into 
classes. This particular group received from Kropotkin les- 
sons in cosmography, geometry, physics, languages and book- 
binding. Kropotkin's wife was allowed to visit him daily and 
to walk with him in the prison gardens. 

Sebastian Faure, the great French teacher and orator, was 
sentenced to prison after the anarchist terrorism in 1894 and 
while there was allowed to write his "La Douleur Universelle." 

Paul La Fargue, son-in-law of Karl Marx, wrote his famous 
"The Right to be Lazy" in Sainte Pelagie prison. 

France has continued this policy to date. Jean Grave, once 
a shoemaker and now a celebrated anarchist, was condemned to 
six months in La Santc prison for an offensive article in tiis 
paper, Les Temps Nowveaux. Such is the liberty allowed 
a political that while serving this sentence he was given paper 
and materials with which to write another objectionable article, 
called "La Societe Mourante et I'Anarchie," for the puUica- 
tion of which he received another six months. 

It is interesting to note the comparatively U^t aratoiceB 
political offenders get in France. And then there is an estab- 
lished practice of amnesty. They rarely finish out their terms. 
Agitation for their release extends from the extreme revolu- 
tionary left to the members of the Chamber of Deputies, fre- 
quently backed by the liberal press. 


Italy also distinguishes between political and common law J 


offenders. The former are entitled to sll the privileges of 
cuatodia honesla ' which means they are allowed to wear their 
own clothes, work or not, as they choose; if they do work, one 
half their earnings ia given to them. Their only penal obliga- 
tion is silence during work, meals, school and prayers, A 
friend of Sr. Serrati, the cx-editor of tlie Italian journal fi 
Proletario, tells me that Serrati was a political prisoner dur- 
ing the late war; that he was sentenced to three and a half 
years, but was released at the end of six months, through pres- 
sure from the outside. But while there, he was allowed to write 
an article a day for Avanti, of which paper he was then 
an editor. 

Even before the Franco-Prussian War German principali- 
ties recognized political offenders as such. The practice con- 
tinued after the federation of Gorman states through the Em- 
pire and up to the overthrow of Kaiser Wilhelm. Politicals 
were held in "honorable custody" in fortresses where they were 
deprived only of their liberty. 

For revolutionary activities in Saxony in 1849, Bakunin ' 
was arrested, taken to a Cavalry Barracks and later to Koenig- 
stein Fortress, where politicals were held. Here he was allowed 
to walk twice daily under guard. He was allowed to receive 
books, he could converse with his fellow prisoneVs and could 
write and receive numerous letters. In a letter to a friend ' 
he wrote that he was occupied in the study of mathematics and 
English, and thai he was "enjoying Shakespeare." And . . , 
"they treat me with extraordinary humaneness." 

Another letter to the same friend a month later said he 
was writing a defense of his political views in "a comfortable 
room," with "cigars and food brought in from a nearby inn." 
'Sigerson. pp, IS*-J. 

'TTie Lift of Mirhnfl Bakunin— Eine Biographic von Dr. Mu NettUo. 
(Privately printed by the author. Fifty copies rcproducrd by the «ut(>* 
cnpylnt, I^nfchaiu.) 

•To Adolph R (the last Dame illegible) October IS. 1S*S. 


The death sentence waa pronounced against him in 1850 bat 
commuted to imprisonment for life. The same year he was 
extradited to Austria where the ofTense was committed, then 
to Russia and on to Siberia In 1866, whence he escaped in ', 
1860 in an American ship. 

In 1869 BebeP received a sentence of three weeki in Leipzig 
(contrast with Alice Paul's seven months' sentence) "for the 
propagation of ideas dangerous to the state," Later (or high 
treason based upon Social- Demo era tic agitation he was sen- 
tenced to two years in a fortress. For Use majfttS he served 
nine months in Hubertusburg — a fortress prison (in 1871). 
Here politicals were allowed to pay for the cleaning of their 
cells, to receive food from a nearby inn, and were allowed to 
eat together in the corridors. They were only locked in for 
part of the time, and the rest of the time were allowed to walk 
in the garden. They were permitted lights until ten at night; 
books; and could receive and answer mail every day. Bebd 
received permission to share cell quarters with the elder Lieb- 
knecht (Wilhclm), then serving time for his internationalism. 
He says that political prisoners were often allowed a six weeks* 
leave of absence between sentences ; when finishing one and be- 
ginning a second. 

According to Sigerson, politicals in Austria also were 
absolved from wearing prison clothes, might buy their own food 
and choose their work. I am told the same regime prevailed 
in Hungary under Franz Joseph. 

The new constitution of the German Republic adopted at 
Weimar July 31, 1919, provides that = "The President of the 
Republic shall exercise for the government the right of pardon. 
. . . Government anrmesties require a national law," 

In the Scandinavian countries there is no provision for spe- 
cial consideration of political prisoners, although a proposed 

^My Life, August Bebcd. 

•Article 49. 


change in Sweden's penal laws now pending includes special 
treatment for them, and in Denmark, although politicals are 
not recognized apart from other prisoners, the people have just 
won an amnesty for all prisoners convicted of political offense 
as I write. Neither Switzerland nor Spain makes separate 
provision for politicals, although there are many prisoners con- 
fined in their prisons for political offenses, especially in Spain, 
where there are nearly always actually thousands in Monjuich. 
Portugal also subjects political offenders to the same regime 
as criminals. 

Concerning Turkey and Bulgaria, I appealed to George 
Andreytchine, a Bulgarian revolutionist who as proteg^ of 
King Ferdinand was educated at Sofia and Constantinople, 
knowing his knowledge on this point would be authentic. He 
writes: "Turkey, which is the most backward of all modem 
states, recognized the status of political prisoners before 1895, 
or shortly after the Armenian massacres. Thousands of Bul- 
garian, Greek, Armenian and Arabian insurgents, caught with 
arms in their hands, conspiring and actually in open rebellion 
against the Ottoman Empire, were sentenced to exile or hard 
labor, but were never confined in the same prisons with ordinary 
criminals and felons. They were put in more hygienical prisons 
where they were allowed to read and write and to breathe fresh 
air. Among some of my friends who were exiled to Turkish 
Africa for rebellion was a young scholar, Paul ShatefT, by 
name, who while there wrote a remarkable monograph on the 
ethnology and ethnography of the Arabian Tribes in which he 
incidentally tells of the special treatment given him and his 
fellow exiles as political prisoners. 

"There is something to be said for the political wisdom of 
the Sultans. Amnesty is an established practice, usually at 
the birthday of the Sultan or the coming to power of a new 
Sultan, or on Ramadan,' a national holiday. 



"In 1908 when the young Turks assumed control of the 
government, all political prisoners were released and cared for 
bj the state. My friend Paul SliatetF was sent at state expense 
to Bruxelles to finish his studies. 

"Bulgaria, another one of those *backward countries,* es- 
tablished the political regime even earlier than Turkey. Polit- 
icals are allowed to read, to write books or articles for publica- 
tion, to receive food from outside, and are periodically released 
on anmesty." 

And now we come to England. In general England, too, 
g^ves political offenders much lighter sentences thaa does 
America, but, except in isolated cases, she treats them no bet- 
ter. She does not recognize them as political prisoners. If 
they are distinguished prisoners like Dr. Jamison, who was 
permitted to serve the sentence imposed upon him for leading 
an armed raid into the Transvaal in 1895, in a luxuriously fur- 
nished suite, to provide himself with books, a piano, and such 
food as he chose, and to receive his friends, special dispeosa- 
tion is allowed; or like William Cobbett, who was imprisoned 
for writing an alleged treasonable article in his journal, The 
Regitter, in 1809; or Leigh Hunt for maligning the Prince 
Regent who, he believed, broke his promise to the Irish cause; 
Daniel O'Connell and six associates in 18*4 for "seditious 
activity"; John Mitchell, who in 18i8 was sent to Bermuda 
and then to Van Dieman's Land.^ These British prison- 
ers, while not proclaimed as politicals, did receive special 

More recently Bertrand Russell, the distinguished man of 
letters who served sisty-one days in lieu of payment of fine for 

'The monlh (the ninth in the Mohammedan year) in which the first p»rt 
of the Koran is said to have been received. 
■ English penal colony in Tasmania. 
'For details of their handsome treatment sec SigerBon, pp. 19-90. 

19-W, I 


writing a pamphlet intended to arouse public indignation 
against the treatment of a certain conscientious objector, re- ' 
eeived special privileges. In England the matter of treatment 
rests largely with the will of the Prime Minister, who dictates 
the policy to the Home Secretary, who in turn directs the 
Chairman of the Board of Directors of Prisons. The Home 
Secretary may, however, of his own accord issue an order for 
special privileges if he so desires, or if there is a strong demand 
for such an order. Many government commissions and many 
distinguished British statesmen have recommended complete 
recognition and guarantee of the status of political prisoners, 
but the matter has been left to common law custom and prec- 
edent, and the character of the prime minister. In the case of 
Ireland the policy agreed upon is carried out by the Lord ' 

Lieutenant of Ireland, 

It is difficult to generalize about England's treatment of 
Irish political offenders. From the earliest nationalist actirities 
she has treated them practically all as common criminals, or 
worse, if such a thing ia possible. She has either filled English 
prisons, or, as in the sixties, put them in convict ships and sent 
them to Bermuda and Australia for life sentences along with 
conmion convicts where they performed the hardest labor. Irish 
prisoners have fought with signal and persistent courage for 
the rights due political offenders. Lately, after militant demon- 
strations within the prisons and after deaths resulting from 
concerted hunger striking protests, some additional privileges 
have been extended. But these can be and are withheld at will. 
Tliere is no guarantee of them. 

As early as 1835 Canadian nationalists who had taken part 
in an insurrection in Upper Canada on behalf of sclf-govem- 
raent and who were sent to Van Dieman's Land in convict ships, 
entered a vigorous protest to Lord Russell, the Home Secre- 

tary, against not receiving the treatment due political pris- < 


England has to her credit, then, some flexibility about ex- 
tending privileges to politicals. We have none. England bas 
to her credit lighter sentences — Irish cases excepted. No couo- 
try, not excluding imperial Germany, has ever ^ven such 
cruelly long sentences to poUtica.! offenders as did America 
during the late war. 

I have incorporated this discussion in such a book for 
two reasons: first, because it seemed to me important that 
you should know what a tremendous contribution the sufTrage 
prisoners made toward this enlightened reform. They were 
the first in America to make a sustained demand to establish 
this precedent which others will consummate. They kept up 
the demand to the end of the prison episode, reenforcing it by 
the hunger strike protest. The other reason for including this 
discussion here is that it seems to me imperative that America 
recognize without further delay the status of political offenders. 
As early as 1872 the International Prison Congress meeting in 
London reconunended a distinction in tlie treatment of common 
law criminals and politicals, and the resolution was agreed 
upon by the representatives of all the Powers of Europe and 
America with the tacit concurrence of British and Irish offi- 
cials. And still we are behind Turkey in adopting an en- 
lightened policy. We have neither regulation, statute nor 
precedent. Nor have we the custom of official flexibility. 

Son. — TTie most conspicuous po'lHcal prisoner from the point of view 
of actuHl power the Unilcii States has ever held in custody was JeffersoD 
Davis, the President of the Confederate States, during the rebellion of the 
South against the Union. He was imprisoned in Fortress Monroe and sub- 
jected to the most cruel and humiliating treatment concrivable. For details 
of his imprisonment see the graphic aecount given in "Jeffersoo Dari^— 
A Memoir" by his wife. Vol U, pp. 663-95. 



ff ■ 




3 blDS 010 >I<41 103 

Stanford, California 

OCT 28I96S